Decolonization in the Caribbean #8: Kuatro na Biahi
The UN C24 Regional Seminar in St. Vincent and the Grenadines was my fourth occasion to testify as an expert in this setting. My first invitation was in Ecuador in 2013. This was followed by twice in Nicaragua in 2015 and 2016. After going through my old testimonies in preparation for this year's seminar I did not cringe, as I normally would when reviewing old work or writings. I noticed in my first instance of testifying that I was very general and almost theoretical. I was using elements of the dissertation in Ethnic Studies that I had just finished a few years earlier. In the years since I have shifted to providing more updates to the C24 and more facts about what is happening and the impediments that Chamorros and Guam face.
As a bit of nostalgia, I'll post here my testimony from the regional seminar in Quito, Ecuador.
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Statement to the Regional Seminar on the Implementation of the
Third Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism
Quito, Ecuador, May 28 – 30, 2013
Michael Lujan Bevacqua, Ph.D.
University of Guam / Independence for Guam Task Force
As a bit of nostalgia, I'll post here my testimony from the regional seminar in Quito, Ecuador.
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Statement to the Regional Seminar on the Implementation of the
Third Decade for the Eradication of Colonialism
University of Guam / Independence for Guam Task Force
The world has come to a consensus that colonization was not
right and that colonialism should be eradicated. Whatever rhetoric countries
once used to justify exploitation and expansion and their domination over other
free peoples has been disproven. Although progress and development can come
about through colonization it is neither the most effective or the most moral
way of carrying this out.
The arc of history seems to clearly bend in one direction,
from colony to decolonization. There are only 17 non-self-governing territories
left in the world, and close to 200 independent nations, many of them former
colonies. This truth however is not manifest in most of the remaining non-self-governing
territories. In Guam for example, decolonization is something that people fear
and don’t understand.
The island and its people, the Chamorros are stuck in what I
call “a decolonial deadlock.” Although there have been some efforts at the
governmental level and movements amongst activists at the grassroots level,
most people on Guam remain very resistant to the idea that Guam can be or needs
to be decolonized.
As a scholar whose research is invested in studying Guam’s
colonial history and theorizing the possibilities for its decolonization, I
have studied this deadlock in many forms, always with the intent of
understanding it. It is my ultimate goal to find ways to resolve this deadlock
and help people understand the need and advantages to changing our political
status to something more equitable.
From 2002 – 2004 I conducted an ethnographic study with more
than 100 Chamorros ages 20 – 70, to discuss their ideas and thoughts on Guam’s
decolonization. The majority of these subjects were against the mere idea of
decolonization, and had trouble discussing it in an objective way. Their
resistance was animated by a set of strange and bewildering fantasies. These
fantasies shaped their discourse in such a way that decolonization became
deadly and dangerous. It was something that they felt threatened the very
possibility of life on the island.
Many of the ideas they proposed were very irrational and
shouldn’t have been offered up in a serious interview. I questioned them as to
whether they were serious or merely joking. Even after being given the chance
to restate their opinions, they insisted that I take their comments seriously.
They argued that decolonization was impossible since it would
mean erasing everything from the island save for that which people understand
as being narrowly Chamorro. They saw decolonization as being ridiculous because
of the way it would require the local Chamorro to take over things that the
colonizer once held sway over. These Chamorros articulated the “Chamorro way”
of doing things through stereotypes, as if they were seeing the world through
the colonizer’s narrowing gaze.
They argued that a decolonized Guam would defend itself with
“slingstones and spears” and soldiers in “loincloths” and that the government
of a decolonized Guam would govern the island by “barbequing.” In their minds
on a decolonized Guam there was no electricity, indoor plumbing, air
conditioning, internet, education, money, but simply people living in huts.
A second set of fantasies were based on images of societal
decay and chaos that would surely result if the island was decolonized. People
argued that decolonization should not be discussed or attempted since it would
lead to the end of everything. The day after Guam was decolonized, the island
would be invaded by North Koreans, Chinese, Japanese, Filipinos and a variety
of other non-white ethnicities. The island would become addicted to drugs. The
government would collapse into unbridled corruption. There would be riots, looting,
total chaos. Everyone would starve.
There may be some element of truth or concern in each
fantasy, but that doesn’t account for the irrational forms they take. These responses
make perfect sense however if you consider the Chamorro in a colonial context,
and the ways in which they may have come to accept colonial caricatures of
themselves.
These caricatures are derived from the premise that the
colonized person needs the colonizer, and cannot survive or advance without
them. Chamorros fill the discursive space with their own local versions of
societal upheaval, breakdown or impossibility. But ultimately these fantasies
come from the colonial fiction that in order for life to function in a colony,
the colonizer must be in charge of you and your lands. If you remove him,
everything will fall apart.
The clearest indication that Chamorros have a very limited
understanding of decolonization is the fact that these conversations about it
immediately moved towards decolonization equaling independence. In truth,
decolonization means a change in political status to something that is
equitable or fair based on the desires of the native people. It can manifest in
many forms, it is not only independence.
But Chamorros responded to the topic of decolonization in an “interpassive”
way. Interpassivity is a psychoanalytical term describing a defensive strategy
that people sometimes use. It is characterized by discussing something in a
very limited way in order to prevent any discussion about it from taking place.
They responded with interpretations of decolonization that are so ridiculous,
they are meant to completely shut down discussion and not let any further
consideration take place. Decolonization in any form, even in terms of
integration with the colonizer is something to be resisted within the
decolonial deadlock, because it challenges the sovereignty and control of the
colonizer. So long as the colonizer is in charge, all is supposed to be well,
everything will function and advance. But if you challenge that authority, even
in order to become one with it, you disrupt your existence.
The representations of the UN in this decolonial deadlock
range from it being non-existent to it being a devious interloper. One end of
the spectrum makes the other possible. Because the UN has little to no presence
on the island, the gap is filled almost seamlessly with negative fantasies such
as the ones that Chamorros feel towards decolonization.
The UN is not seen as an impartial mediator or guide, but as
something that challenges the authority of the United States, infringing on its
sovereignty. They see it as interfering with the control that people trapped in
the decolonial deadlock feel is essential to the order in their lives. They
also create fantasies that absolve the United State of any culpability in the
continuing colonizing of Guam. They blame the UN for not decolonizing the
island, and they blame the inefficient and incompetent UN for not taking this
process seriously. This is where the decolonial deadlock achieves its circular
and continually reproducing status.
Those who fantasize that the UN is holding Guam back from
decolonizing, thus argue that it should really by the US who decolonizes Guam.
Thus reinforcing the idea that even in terms of self-determination, something
that shouldn’t belong to any colonizer, people on Guam feel that it should be
the colonizer who determines the destiny of Chamorros. This is truly
regrettable since the US is on record saying they do not support real decolonization
for Guam. Due to its strategic importance and the bases the US possesses there,
they have no interest in decolonizing the island. As a non-self-governing
territory with little say over its destiny, the US is satisfied with Guam’s
current status.
The UN can play a critical role in resolving the decolonial
deadlock and bringing about a change in consciousness in Guam. But it must have
some sort of presence. I would encourage anyway possible for the United Nations
to become involved and publicize its role in Guam’s decolonization process.
Si Yu’us Ma’ase (thank you)
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