Tuesday, July 22, 2014

Chamorro Public Service Post #26: Ai Na Pinadesi

Every time I go to deposit a check at the bank, KC Leon Guerrero is always there. His music reflects in such simple ways the Chamorro worldview and experience. I know many of his songs and I would argue that very few of them are very deep, but there is still an exciting, vibrant Chamorro dimension to them. He has sung about everything from heartache, Chamorro traditions, to racial impurity, to colonial amnesia, to optimistic weather forecasts. In honor of hearing him earlier today while at the bank I decided to post the lyrics to one of his more famous songs "Ai Na Pinadesi."


Ai Na Pinadesi
KC Leon Guerrero

Ai na pinadesi
Este pågu neni hu padedesi
Triniste yan minahålang
Desdiki un dingu yu’ nai palao’an
Ai sessu yu manguifi put hågu
Kada mafung mo’na i maigo-hu
Manmåta yu ya sigi yu’ tumånges
Ai sa taigue hao gi fi’on-hu

Ai na pinadesi
Este pågu neni hu padedesi
Triniste yan minahålang
Desdiki un dingu yu’ nai palao’an

Ai pågu sessu yu’ di bumalåchu
Sa ti siña hu sungon neni i piniti-hu
Hågu yu’ lokkue muna taiguini
Ai makkat este na pinadesi

Ya ai na pinadesi
Este pågu neni hu padedesi
Triniste yan minahålang
Desdiki un dingu yu’ nai palao’an

Makkat este neni na kastigu
Puru ha este ginen hågu
Ai dalai ya ti siña un dispensa yu’
Hågu siempre pumuno’

Ya ai na pinadesi
Este pågu neni hu padedesi
Triniste yan minahålang
Desdiki un dingu yu’ nai palao’an

Triniste yan minahålang
Desdiki un dingu yu’ nai palao’an

Sunday, July 20, 2014

Island of Massacres

Every July Guam becomes transformed into an "island of massacres." As the collection memory of the island becomes focused around recalling and recounting the tragic final weeks of I Tiempon Chapones on Guam, the month seems to move from one horrific story to another. July 1944 was filled with more atrocities and more suffering than the 31 months of Japanese occupation that preceded it. Pale' Jesus Baza Duenas is killed. Chamorros are forced into concentration camps. Massacres take place in Hagat, Yigu, Merizo and Hagatna. War stories from war survivors build towards a brutal climax at this point. This brutal period however is the prologue to the happy end to Japanese rule. Within days or weeks of these atrocities taking place, Japanese guards have disappeared from concentration camps and stories of American troops being spotted are traveling around with lightning speed.

War narratives at this point jump from opposite sides of the spectrum. They go from being colored in blood and gore and the grim of muddied and bleary eyed marches, to being filled with canned goods, cigarettes, powdered milk and US Marines are painted in reds, whites and blues. Chamorros were at one point wallowing and suffering, but now are being lifted from their squalor and led to refugee camps where they start to gather what they can to rebuild the island and their lives.

So much is lost in this transition. I've written about what is lost in so many different forums. From dissertations, to thesises, to blog posts, to my Variety column, to my lectures in my classes. What is lost in this cauldron of tragedy and triumphant liberation is the Chamorro itself. The Chamorro as a sovereign subject, as something that exists on its own and conceives of itself in its own way is lost. It is replaced with a Chamorro who will forever forward struggle with their relationship to the United States more than anything. They will see everything through a lens of American patriotism, including their own past, present and future. The Chamorro who believes in self-sustainability, who has the ability to not accept every ridiculous colonial lie that worms its way into the island, who doesn't just give up their language, culture or identity because someone else says to, this Chamorro disappears. You could argue it dies in Mannegon, in Mokfok, in Fena, in the wreckage of Hagatna or anywhere else. It is killed in the crossfires as empires of steel clash.

I have been working for six months now on a project to tell a story that will hopefully give life to that Chamorro once thought lost. The patriotic Chamorro is born out of the suffering of World War II and it is sustained through the continuing narratives of victimization. But I am working on helping tell the story of one incidence when Chamorros were not simply victims, where Chamorros when faced with annihilation and death, chose to fight back and in the village of Malesso they killed their Japanese captors. This is the story of the Mighty Men of Merizo who rose up against the Japanese at Atate in July 1944.

For the next seven weeks the PDN will be publishing sections of the memoirs of Jose M. Torres, who was a participant in the uprising against the Japanese at Atate. In the month of September I am hoping that his book will be ready so we can release it to the public.


Chagui'an Victims Remembered
Jerick Sablan
July 15, 2014

Ramon Baza Quitaro, 15, was the youngest person to be killed by the Japanese during World War II when he and 44 other men and boys were beheaded in Chagui'an in Yigo.

And although no one from that massacre survived, their memories live on through the annual memorial that was held yesterday at the Chagui'an site.

"Just imagine, he was small. Fifteen years old. Why? Fifteen years old. He didn't even enjoy his childhood," Lourdes Quitaro Pangelinan Taitingfong, his niece, said.

Quitaro was the youngest sibling of Taitingfong's mother. The family was in the concentration camp in Yona when Quitaro was asked to help the Japanese carry something, Taitingfong said. That was the last time they ever saw him.

No one knows what exactly happened since there were no survivors, Toni Ramirez, a local historian said yesterday.

Taitingfong said to this day, no one in her family knows what happened to her uncle. Her dad's brother, Jose Quichocho Pangelinan, also died in the massacre.

Yesterday was the first time she attended the memorial.

On Aug. 8, 1944, Marine patrols from the 21st Regiment discovered 45 bodies of young Chamorro men in Chagui'an, beheaded and with their hands tied behind their backs.

They were young men forced by the Japanese into a treacherous march as they carried supplies and ammunition to the Japanese command posts at Mount Mataguac, almost a mile and a half south of the massacre site, Yigo Mayor Rudy Matanane said yesterday.

A white cross symbolizes the 45 men who were found at the site, while signs list their names and a short story about the site in English, Chamorro and Japanese.

For Quitaro's friend, Gregorio Concepcion, 85, yesterday was a time to remember his old friend. The two were the same age and were neighbors in Yona, he said.

They would go out to the farm and work, he said.

The last time he saw Quitaro was when the Japanese invasion of Guam happened and he moved back to Piti to be with his family.

"He was too young. It's sad," he said.

Gov. Eddie Calvo said it was hard to believe that 70 years ago, such a horror occurred.

"Now what once were enemies now are friends. And what was once a battlefield and site of a massacre is a location of paradise," Calvo said.

Ramirez told a tale from the first-person perspective of Quitaro, inspired by his research on the massacre. He was one of the 17 men who were below the age of 18, he said.

He detailed what happened and how Quitaro came to be a part of the massacre by weaving together the narrative and his research.

Ramirez said the war wasn't something many Chamorros understood.

"It was not their war. They got caught in the war," he said.

He offered praise for Jakson Umlauf, 14, who helped get materials for the memorial site, like signs, benches and flower beds.

"Jakson is the same age as Ramon 70 years ago. He came here to die. Jakson came here to preserve the memory of what happened in the war," Ramirez said.

Umlauf, from Boy Scouts of Guam Troop 1420, said his family and his troop asked people to donate and they were glad to do so.

He came to the memorial last year and only saw a white cross that memorialized the 45 men.

"I thought we need to respect our fallen heroes a little more," he said.


Families Remember Tinta, Faha Victims
Dance Aoki
July 16, 2014

The last time Juan Q. Guzman saw his uncle and namesake, he was 10 years old.

He remembered his uncle, Juan C. Guzman, broke away from the families who were marching from Santa Rita to a concentration camp in Manenggon during the Japanese occupation of the island in World War II.

The elder Juan Guzman headed toward Merizo to be with a woman he'd fallen in love with and her son who he wanted to take care of.

"I remember my grandmother, a small, feisty old lady," Guzman, now 80 years old, recalled. "I heard my grandmother say, 'Juan, don't go.'"

He didn't find out until after U.S. Marines liberated the island that his uncle was one of the victims of the Faha massacre in Merizo.

"If he just should have listened to my grandmother..." Guzman said, trailing off.

Guzman attended a solemn memorial ceremony for the victims of the Faha massacre yesterday as a breeze cooled a group of about 30 people who hiked to the site.

The memorial ceremony at Faha followed a separate memorial at Tinta, the site of another massacre during World War II.

Younger generation

Merizo Mayor Ernest Chargualaf asked those present to keep coming back to the memorials.
"Those who were born during the liberation and the invasion, they're diminishing," Chargualaf said. "We need to engage the younger generation, ... so that they can come to understand and appreciate what we're perpetuating every year so that their deaths are not in vain. These people suffered at the hands of the enemy, and they were innocent."

Honoring history

Plaques placed at each site tell the story of the massacres.

On July 15, 1944, Japanese soldiers gathered 30 influential Chamorro residents of Merizo village, guided them to Tinta, and instructed the group to assemble in a cave.

The soldiers then threw grenades into the opening of the cavern, and when the dust was cleared, stabbed anyone moving with bayonets.

A handful of survivors who pretended to be among the dead managed to escape.

The next day, Japanese soldiers marched another group of the strongest Chamorro men to a separate location at Faha.

They were once again told to gather in a cave, and all were killed after the soldiers shot them with machine guns.
Guzman said the younger generation doesn't understand everything that happened during the war.
"The younger generation don't know anything," he said.
Darlene Leon Guerrero said her father was a young boy when the massacres occurred.


When the residents of Merizo heard of the killings, they were outraged and rebelled against the Japanese soldiers in response to the massacres.

On July 20, a furious group of Merizo men charged the Japanese headquarters, killing 10 Japanese soldiers. One soldier escaped, fleeing toward the village of Inarajan.

Leon Guerrero said her father would share stories with her about the rebellion.
"The young are interested," she said.

But there aren't very many people who are willing to share their memories from the war years, she added.


Rick Camacho was 4 years old when his father, Juan Babauta, died at Tinta.

Camacho's wife, Cecelia Camacho, said the events that occurred at Tinta need to be memorialized, but it's not easy.

"We're getting older and pretty soon we won't make the trek," she said.
"We're trying to bring my kids, but they're still sleeping," she said.

Ann Perez, Camacho's niece, said she wanted to remember that her grandfather's spirit was still here, and that's why it's so important for her to come to the site of the Tinta massacre.
"It would make me feel good, that it didn't die down, that people are still visiting (years from now)," Perez said.

Costs for families

The Merizo mayor said there are efforts being made to make the Tinta site easier to get to.
The pathway cuts through private land belonging to different families, so the mayor must ensure the visitors to Tinta have permission to enter the property to pay their respects.

The families of the victims and of the survivors have paid some of the cost of hosting these ceremonies every year, the mayor said.

"It shouldn't be the families that have to bear the burden, and the governor must ensure these things are commemorated and perpetuated every year as a grim reminder that no nation or people should ever again be subjected to the atrocities that we had then," Chargualaf said.


Many Reflect on War at Fena Memorial
 Malorie Paine
July 20, 2014

Somber, sobering moments are what many experienced walking up to the entrance of the Fena Caves during the Fena memorial service in Agat yesterday.

Some were looking into the very place their family members were killed by Japanese soldiers during World War II; others were merely paying respect to the history of Fena and those who lost their lives.
The caves, because they are located within the Naval Base of Guam, are open to the public only during select times of the year. Capt. Andy Anderson, commanding officer at the Naval Base of Guam, said it's important that the public be allowed to return to the caves out of respect to their histories.

"The importance is respect. These people gave their lives. They defended freedom unarmed, essentially. We owe it to them, to the families and to their deaths. We owe it from a respect point of view," Anderson said.

Ivan Babuta, of Agat, says his uncle was one of the men herded into the cave and killed. He said being able to return to the location meant so much to him.

"The trip was very sentimental for me. My mother's brother was one of those who got beheaded by the Japanese. It means a lot to the family, but we forgive the Japanese," Babuta said.

Babuta said his uncle was only 14 or 15 at the time of the Fena Massacre. He also said that while the experience was a difficult one for the family, they have learned forgiveness is the most important thing now.

"It was a sad time, but we forgive, and we have to move on. It's sad for me, but those days are gone already. Now, we have to move forward and live in peace. With the Lord's grace and help, I find peace now," Babuta said,
He said it's difficult to forgive as a human being, but "through the grace of God," he is able to. Babuta said forgiveness is a lesson many in the world need to learn.

"Forgiveness is letting go. I find forgiving helps me find peace in myself. If we look at the world today, the ones who can't forgive are the ones who are still suffering," Babuta said.

Several World War II veterans also attended yesterday's Fena memorial service. Men who served on Agat beach 70 years ago returned to celebrate the years of freedom that have followed their service on Guam.

Tom Spry, of Mission Viejo, California, served on Agat beach when he was 18 years old. He says it was his first mission while serving in the Marines, and he was honored to return to see that freedom still stands.

"It's remarkable to see what has been done from 1944 to now. There's so much. I hardly know how to describe it," Spry said.

Spry, now 88 years old, returned to Guam with his son for the Liberation celebration and to visit with old friends.

Yesterday's memorial service was not a time of sadness, but one of remembering how far the people of Guam have come in 70 years.

Agat Mayor Carol Tayama said the people of Guam have persevered throughout the years and they will continue to do so.

"Seventy years later, we are a stronger people, but more importantly, we are a forgiving people," Tayama said.

Toni Ramirez, a Guam historian, said the Chamorro people were victims of war.

"Each Chamorro who lived in July 1944 was a victim of war, but it wasn't their war," he said. "Every Chamorro living in July 1944 was a solider. They fought to live."

He said that while war is a part of the Chamorro history, the people must look forward and realize everyone is together.

"We are one under the sun, and we are one under humanity," Ramirez said.

Ramirez told those in attendance that no other place remembers or celebrates the history of World War II like the people of Guam. He encouraged the audience to never forget, but to always be forward thinking.

"We are a grateful island," Ramirez said. "Live in peace. Live in harmony. Let's move forward."

Saturday, July 19, 2014

Tinestigu para Historic Inalahan

The website of Pale' Eric Forbes is a great place for information on Chamorro language, culture and history. He has everything from Chamorro sayings, to translations of Chamorro texts, to little tidbits and footnotes from Chamorro history. It is a great resource for those who want to deepen their knowledge about so many of the things that make Chamorro Chamorro. He has a creative way of drawing out interesting parts of our native and pre-contact history, but also our colonial history. He has an equal excitement for both dimensions, which many find surprising because of his work as a Catholic priest.

Below is the transcript of some testimony given recently at the Legislature gi Fino' Chamoru. Pale' Eric provides not only a transcript but also a translation. Often times when he provide a text like this he'll have detailed notes on some of the words used and their origins. The testimony was given in favor of a bill to support the Historic Inalahan program. It is nice to hear more and more people speaking Chamorro at the Legislature, especially after we lost our best Chamorro speaker there recently, Senator Ben Pangelinan.


Supporters of the "Historic Inalåhan" program came to the Legislature in support of a bill intending to help fund this endeavor.  The majority of the testimonies were given in Chamorro.  Here was one of them.

Guåho si Rosita San Nicolas, uno gi “crafter” yan i taotao i kusina ta’lo,
(I am Rosita San Nicolas, one of the crafters and kitchen crew also,)
gi guåho fuma’titinas i asiga guihe påpa’.
(I am the one making salt down there.)
Dångkulo na si Yu'us ma'åse', Senator Cruz, Aline yan si Tina.
(Thank you very much, Senator Cruz, Aline and Tina.)
Man måtto ham, man magof ham gi annai man mamaisen ham ayudo.
(We come, we are happy to ask assistance.)
In agradese todo i ineppen-ña si Tina nu hame.
(We appreciate all of Tina's answers to us.)
I representånte-ña as si Stephanie måtto påpa'
(Her representative Stephanie came down)
gi sagan-måme ya ha kuentuse ham.
(to our place and spoke with us.)
Pues man gaige ham på'go guine
(So we are here today)
para bai in sangåne hamyo na in agradese todo i ayudo
(to tell you that we appreciate all the help)
yanggen siña en na’e hame para bai in abånsa ha’ mo’na.
(if you could give us so we can move forward.)
Yan an man måtto i bisita
(And when the visitors come)
pareho ha' i estråño yan hita ni taotao tåno'.
(the foreigner as well as the locals.)
In fanunu’e håftaimano mo'na i kinalamten i man antigo
(We show them how things were in the past)
guihe påpa' gi lugåt-ta.
(down there in our place.)
Yan guåha na biåhe na man mamaisen bokan Chamorro.
(And there are times that they ask for Chamorro food.)
Pues in na' posisipble ennao gi anggen man mamaisen
(So we make that possible when they ask)
para bai in na’ guåha.
(that we provide it.)
Ennaogue’ testigo ha’ si Sen Cruz gi annai måtto un biåhe.
(There is Senator Cruz to witness when he came one time.)
In na’ sena guihe påpa'.
(We made him eat dinner down there.)
Pues in kombida para bai in fan gupot an si Senator.
(Then we invited Senator to feast with us.)
Si Tina ti måtto ha dalak hame guihe na ha'åne.
(Tina didn't come to follow us that day.)
Lao hu tungo' ha' dångkulo i korason-ña
(But I know that her heart is big)
para u bisita i taotao Inalåhan lao chumatsaga guihe na ha'åne
(to visit the people of Inarajan but that day it was difficult to do so)
annai måtto påpa' si Sen Cruz.
(when Senator Cruz came down.)
Pues in agradese na dångkulo yanggen mumaloffan este i finaisen-måme
(So we appreciate a lot if this our request moves ahead)
ni para en ayuda ham gi håftaimano mo'na para bai in abånsa mås i kinalamten i historical Inalåhan.  
(that you help us in our endeavor to advance more the activities of Historical Inalåhan.)

Thursday, July 17, 2014

The Story of the 731st

My life as the program coordinator for Chamorro Studies means that my life boils down to one exciting project after the next. One thing that I love about Chamorro Studies here at UOG is that while it is an academic program in an academic institution, it is also community driven. So many of the projects that I have taken on over the past year were initiated by people in the community who wanted to have their stories recorded, wanted to have something documented, wanted to see something that is very necessary be created in the community. One project that I am hoping to expand upon in the coming year is the story of the 731st MP Company, which was a National Guard reserve component unit that served in the First Gulf War, Operation Desert Storm. They were the only unit of their type from the Pacific region to be deployed and they served with great distinction. I have been working with their command officer when they were deployed Joseph Hara Salas about telling this story and interviewing some of its members. The first stage of the process was to publish a short column in the Marianas Variety that gave an overview of their accomplishments and introduce the project to the community. This past week the article "The Story of the 731st MP Company" was published in the Variety. I've pasted a copy of it below:


The Story of the 731st MP Company

People often think of Guam as a small place, and assume that small places and those who come from them are incapable of great deeds.  However, the work of the 731st MP (EPW-Proc) Company, begun on July 31, 1981, demonstrates that the Chamorro people are truly capable of greatness.  Formed soon after the Guam National Guard was created, the Company’s major mission was to process enemy prisoners of war (EPW), in addition to acting as military police (MP).

The Company’s training was tested when it was activated and deployed during the Persian Gulf War (First Gulf War).  It was the only reserve component unit from the entire Asia-Pacific region to be deployed during this war.  Some might assume that since these soldiers were mostly Chamorro, with some Filipinos and other Micronesian islanders, they were ill-prepared for desert warfare.  However, their training was to prove worthy of their task. 

A party was held on January 2, 1991, at Andersen South to honor these brave soldiers of the 731st MP (EPW-Proc) Company who were about to be sent to the other side of the world.  There were many salutations, many tears, and many prayers for these soldiers to return home safely.

The soldiers traveled from Guam to Schofield Base, Hawaii, for training, re-grouping, and processing, where they were joined by a contingent of volunteers from Guam and Hawaii.  These soldiers were naturally anxious since about 95% of them were not experienced in combat situations.  At Schofield Base, they had physical examinations, training in weapons qualification, and a course in Nuclear, Biological, and Chemical (NBC) weapons.  The dictator of Iraq, Saddam Hussein, had used chemical weapons against the Kurds before, and the Americans were not taking any chances.  Iraq had the fourth biggest army in the world at that time.  The 731st MP Company was issued suits and gas masks for additional protection.  While the soldiers remained stoic, not wanting to show fear, their officers were anxious that many would not return home alive.

The 731st MP Company flew from Hawaii to Dhahran, Saudi Arabia, via New Jersey and Germany.  They arrived a few hours after midnight, with the air quiet and cold, the ground covered with snow.  Soldiers felt the eeriness of their surroundings, instinctively sensing unknown dangers on the horizon.

The war had not gone well for the Iraqis: thousands of their troops on the front line had been cut off and abandoned by their command after the U.S. began to bomb and invade.  Most, if not all, of the Iraqi troops were poorly trained conscripts.  Tens of thousands of them began to surrender, desperate for food.  It was at this point that the 731st MP Company proved its skills and set a record for the highest number of EPW processed in a very short period of time.

Enemy prisoners of war were taken from the battlefields to the prison-camp processing station.  High-value targets, such as members of Hussein’s Republic Guard, would be processed and then immediately taken elsewhere for further interrogation.  Other EPW would be given wristbands and recorded in computers, then transported to other prison camps.  New EPW would then be brought in for processing. The Persian Gulf War was the first time that the U.S. military utilized computers to process EPW.  It quickly became clear that sand was one of the army’s worst enemies in the war as it got into helicopters, vehicles, and even the computers used for EPW processing. 

In the prison camp, there were more EPW than military police.  Each day, as crowds of hungry and sometimes desperate Iraqis were processed, the platoon commander worried about potential outbreak.  MP guards were armed; however, MP processors were not authorized to carry weapons in the processing stations. 

During the height of the war, the 731st MP Company performed exceptionally well.  In one twelve-hour shift, the unit processed more than a thousand EPW.  This was especially impressive considering that the handbooks they were using were not applicable to their situation, and the 731st MP Company and other MP units had to design their own systems to fill the void.  Over a four0month deployment, the 731st MP Company processed about 20,000 EPWs out of a total of 120,000 EPWs for that war.

The soldiers maintained high morale through their Guam pride and connections to home and Chamorro culture.  General Edward G. Perez, Adjutant General of Guam Army National Guard, delivered care packages and letters to many of the soldiers while they were training in Hawaii.   In the 731st MP Company compound at the desert of Saudi Arabia, the Guam flag was proudly flown.  The flag display attracted many Chamorro or Guamanians visitors from other units to see and talk to the soldiers in the Chamorro language.  At one gathering, camel kelaguen was offered as a dish.  Many of the soldiers said it tasted like deer, and they imagined they were eating kelaguen binadu instead.

On May 10, 1991, the 731st MP Company returned home to Guam.  They were driven from the Won Pat International Airport to a special reception at Adelup.  Their return coincided with Mother’s Day, which increased their natural feelings of relief and joy in family reunions.  Local leaders spoke of their appreciation.  For some, if not all, this day was the first time in months that they could taste alcohol or beer.  Islamic custom, which the unit had respected during its deployment, prohibited alcohol, although Saudi Arabia offered a “near beer” in place of the real thing.

One year after the 731st MP (EPW-Proc) Company returned from Operation Desert Shield/Storm, the unit was decommissioned on March 8, 1992 at Fort Juan Muna.  First Lieutenant Joseph Hara Salas, the last commander of the unit, lowered the Guidon flag in the presence of Lieutenant Governor Frank Blas, Sr. The Chamorro Studies program at UOG is currently working with Commander Salas to interview members of the 731st MP Company who were part of this exciting moment in Chamorro military history, to ensure that this story is preserved for our people.

Wednesday, July 16, 2014

Gaza News from Truthout

In Our Collective Name

Tuesday, 15 July 2014 12:55 By David Theo Goldberg, Truthout | Op-Ed

Mourners bury the body of a person killed during an overnight Israeli air strike in Gaza City, July 13, 2014. The airstrike killed an estimated 21 Palestinians. (Photo: Wissam Nassar / The New York Times)Mourners bury the body of a person killed during an overnight Israeli airstrike in Gaza City, July 13, 2014. The airstrike killed an estimated 21 Palestinians. (Photo: Wissam Nassar / The New York Times) 
Israel is at it again. It has been bombing Gaza and its inhabitants mercilessly, even indiscriminately. Some say disproportionately though that judgment is predicated on accepting that there is some self-defending legitimacy to killing almost at random women, children and men, even the unborn, simply to be rid of them in the name of "hunting out the terrorists." This, surely, is a deeply questionable rationalization at best.

To date upwards of 150 Gazans have been killed, while rockets fired from Gaza on southern Israel have killed one. Disproportion plays no part in the Israeli calculus, and to think, part of the logic at work is to take Israel at its disingenuous word. What is really at work is Israel's intermittent undertaking, bid up each time, to purge Palestine of a good deal of its people, to put them on notice that leaving would be better than living in Palestine, that for Palestinians, Palestine is a pipe dream evaporating in the pall of smoke rising above Gaza.

Three Israeli teenagers were murdered in the West Bank. Israeli militants retaliated by burning alive a Palestinian teenager in Jerusalem. The Israeli armed forces responded first by rounding up large numbers of Palestinian activists and then by reacting to Hamas rockets by obliterating swathes of northern Gaza. It doesn't matter that those apparently responsible for the teenage deaths were not Hamas members, even though Hamas seemed to approve of the disappearance. That one could ask what three teenage Israeli boys were doing hitchhiking in the West Bank speaks to the disproportionate sense of entitlement of Israelis to Palestinian turf; after all, three Palestinian teenage boys hitchhiking in Israel would quickly be picked up by the Israeli police. The boys should not have lost their lives for doing so; to say this is at once to acknowledge that Palestinian youth have lost theirs in much larger numbers at the hands of the Israeli state and population. This seems a moral consideration long lost on the Israeli government and increasingly on its citizens.

What seems new about the current bombardment of Gaza by Israel is not the extent of it, not the expanding number of deaths, alas, not the trapped experience of living in the Gaza concentration camp with no relief, no way out, no future but that dictated by Israel. All this has been standard state practice, increasingly if in fits and starts, at least since 1967 and especially since 2000. What is new is not so much the fact but the disturbing extent and depth, the openness and vehemence with which Israel's everyman and woman, its ordinary teenage boys and girls, are expressly supporting the extermination of Gazans, and of Palestinians more generally: Gaza should be the Arab graveyard, bombing women and children in Gaza is orgasmic, death to all Arabs, kill all Arabs so there will not be another generation, hating Arabs isn't racism, it's a commandment from God. These are accurate paraphrases of the very terms circulating on social media today.

The extraordinary ordinariness of these tweets by teenage girls figured alongside bikini'd photographs of themselves is reinforced by their parental celebration, eating popcorn and cheering the bombs dropping on Gaza from the safety of their Israeli suburban lawns. For disturbing our peace, for so much as undoing our absolute sense of self-righteous security, for reminding us of our history, for holding in question our right to be here, we will kill you, obliterate you, call for your extermination. And ejaculate at the thought of it. Obscenity doesn't begin to characterize the moral degradation at work.

What this points to is a sense that Israel-Palestine, alone together, as two states separate and apart, has no conceivable future, if it ever did. The settler state will not be satisfied until the settlers have completely cleansed the land of its long memories and the people who remind them of its long past. It will rewrite the historical record to purge it of any reference to a pre-existing condition. In purging people and fashioning make-believe history it seeks at once to foreclose the possibility of another way forward, one that - difficult as it is - imagines a future of living together.

Israel's trajectory is to realize a mindless vision, a thoughtless one, to use Hannah Arendt's memorable characterization of Eichmann, a vision that bespeaks the madness of megalomania rather than one of living in peace. For the future of a state predicated on extermination of those it takes not to belong, to purify its ground by obliteration, to sanctify its stateliness by extinction is bound to be haunted by the nightmare of its own making. That it fails to see this can only mean it has completely lost the lesson of the Holocaust haunting its own being.

This no doubt will be dismissed by apologists for Israel - pretty much as any criticism of Israel, large or small, is brushed aside. Today this dismissed criticism cannot escape attributing madness also to Israel's population and its supporters more broadly. Yes, a state and its people have a right to self-defense, but a defense destined inevitably to heighten the conflict, to fan the raging flames of resentment and retribution, is not one that can be credited with rationality.

These are no longer matters that concern only Israel and its citizens. They are matters concerning all Jews everywhere. Many of us across the world have close relatives in Israel, who have served in the army; our mothers and fathers may be buried there, our siblings contributing to Israeli society. We may have visited, repeatedly, filled with family argument after argument about possibility and impossibility, longing and belonging, blindness and responsibility. We are told we each have a "right to return" to a "homeland" not all of us know, invested with pregnant and often imaginary meaning, one that for millennia has been inhabited and sometimes co-inhabited by those increasingly now displaced from their own and to which they have a rightful claim.

So Israel's killing fields have been carried out in the name of all Jews, not only in the voice of those Israeli teenage girls and boys who understand not at all of which they tweet. There is no excuse for them, less for their parents. A "right to return" to a state that so cavalierly kills - one family of 17 was "inadvertently" completely wiped out as Israel sought to assassinate the Gaza police chief visiting an aunt in a neighboring home - amounts to a license to kill in one's name.

In seeking to end rockets being fired from Gaza deeper and deeper into Israel, the Israelis are admitting implicitly that the day will come when their technological superiority will no longer offset the capacity of at least some Palestinians angered and resentful from decades of degradation and death at the hands of their oppressors to cause extensive destruction within Israel. Hatred and the call for extermination on one side bids up and expands already existing calls in reverse on the other. Technological superiority inevitably gives way across the long stretch of history. The current hell-bent drive to delimit Hamasian capacity will more than likely hasten that day. Israel's manic death-drive is as bankrupt on instrumental as it is on moral grounds. It is far past the time for all of us to face up to the fact that the moral dilemmas strangling Jewish life today, tearing us apart, are the price to be paid for the indiscriminate, spiraling and altogether unnecessary killings being executed in our collective name.


Gaza's Torment, Israel's Crimes, Our Responsibilities

Monday, 14 July 2014 09:06 By Noam Chomsky, Z Communications | Op-Ed
At 3am Gaza time, July 9, in the midst of Israel’s latest exercise in savagery, I received a phone call from a young Palestinian journalist in Gaza. In the background, I could hear his infant child wailing, amidst the sounds of explosions and jet planes, targeting any civilian who moves, and homes as well.  He just saw a friend of his in a car clearly marked “press” blown away.  And he heard shrieks next door after an explosion but can’t go outside or he’ll be a likely target.  This is a quiet neighborhood, no military targets – except Palestinians who are fair game for Israel’s high tech US-supplied military machine.  He said that 70% of the ambulances have been destroyed, and that by then over 70 had been killed, and of the 300 or so wounded, about 2/3 women and children.  Few Hamas activists have been hit – or rocket launching sites. Just the usual victims.

It is important to understand what life is like in Gaza when Israel’s behavior is “restrained,” in between the regular manufactured crises like this one.  A good sense is given in a report to UNRWA by Mads Gilbert, the courageous and expert Norwegian physician who has worked extensively in Gaza, also throughout the vicious and murderous Cast Lead operation.  In every respect, the situation is disastrous.  Just keeping to children, Gilbert reports: “Palestinian children in Gaza are suffering immensely. A large proportion are affected by the man-made malnourishment regime caused by the Israeli imposed blockage. Prevalence of anaemia in children <2yrs 31.45="" 31.4="" 34.3="" 72.8="" and="" as="" at="" been="" documented="" gaza="" gets="" have="" in="" is="" it="" of="" p="" prevalence="" proceeds.="" report="" respectively.="" stunting="" the="" underweight="" wasting="" while="" worse="">
When Israel is on “good behavior,” more than two Palestinian children are killed every week, a pattern that goes back over 14 years.  The underlying cause is the criminal occupation and the programs to reduce Palestinian life to bare survival in Gaza, while Palestinians are restricted to unviable cantons in the West Bank and Israel takes over what it wants, all in gross violation of international law and explicit Security Council resolutions, not to speak of minimal decency.  And it will continue as long as it is supported by Washington and tolerated by Europe – to our everlasting shame.


"Israel Targets Civilians, the Casualties Speak Volumes": International Protection Urged for Besieged Gaza

Tuesday, 15 July 2014 11:19 By Amy Goodman, Democracy Now! | Video Interview
Thousands of Gazans have fled their homes amidst a relentless Israeli bombing campaign that has now killed more than 170 people, most of them civilians, since it began a week ago. The United Nations estimates at least 80 percent of the dead are civilian, of whom 20 percent are children — at least 36 dead. More than 1,200 Palestinians have been wounded, nearly two-thirds women and children. Some 940 homes have reportedly been severely damaged or destroyed, 400,000 people are without electricity, and 17,000 people are displaced. Hamas has fired an estimated 700 rockets into Israel, causing no direct killings but leaving an Israeli teen critically wounded. We get reaction from Palestinian attorney Diana Buttu, who has served as a legal adviser to the Palestinians in negotiations with Israel and to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas. "When Israel talks about who it’s targeting and what it’s targeting, they’ve never proffered any proof or any evidence for what it is they’re trying to hit," Buttu says. "At the end of the day, as much as Israel tries to claim they are not targeting civilians, they are — and the casualties speak volumes."

This is a rush transcript. Copy may not be in its final form.

AMY GOODMAN: We begin today’s show in the Gaza Strip, where Israeli Defense Forces and tanks are positioned along the border in the seventh day of Israel’s offensive. As of this morning, the Palestinian death toll has reached at least 172, among them 140 civilians, including 30 children. According to Gaza’s Health Ministry, more than 1,200 people have been wounded. This weekend brought the deadliest strikes to date, including a bombing that killed 18 members of the same family. No Israelis have been killed.

On Sunday, the Israeli military dropped leaflets and sent text messages to warn residents of the northern Palestinian town of Beit Lahiya to evacuate the area as it planned to intensify its large-scale bombing campaign. One displaced resident described an Israeli leaflet telling locals, quote, "any moving body after noon will be struck," unquote.

In addition to bombing homes, Israel has carried out a number of attacks on Gaza’s civilian infrastructure. The Palestinian Center for Human Rights says the targets have included charities, parks, sports clubs and a mosque. The United Nations Humanitarian Affairs Office estimates thousands have been displaced in Gaza. Almost a thousand homes have been destroyed. On Saturday, Israeli shelling killed two disabled women and wounded four when a tank shell struck a rehabilitation center in Gaza City. A member of an ambulance crew spoke to the media.
AMBULANCE CREW MEMBER: [translated] These are the targets of Bibi Netanyahu. These are the remains of children. These are dolls for children. These are the targets of Bibi Netanyahu. These are the targets of the Jews. They are children in an organization for the disabled.
AMY GOODMAN: The U.N. secretary-general, Ban Ki-moon, has expressed alarm at the escalation in fighting as the Security Council is demanding a ceasefire. His office released a statement that, quote, "The Secretary-General does not believe that what is inherently a longstanding, serious political dispute between Israelis and Palestinians can be resolved via military means by either side. He remains engaged with both sides to urge de-escalation and an end to violence."

On Sunday, Israeli Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu told the Israeli Cabinet that responsibility for civilian deaths in Gaza lies with Hamas.
PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: [translated] We don’t know when this operation will be over. It may take a long time, and we need your support and your discipline. Hamas uses the residents of Gaza as a human shield and is bringing disaster on the residents of Gaza, and therefore the responsibility for any harm done to civilians in Gaza, which we regret, the responsibility is that of Hamas and its partners, and them alone.
AMY GOODMAN: Militants in Gaza have fired hundreds of rockets at Israel.
Well, for more, we’re joined from Harvard University by Diana Buttu, an attorney based in Palestine. She has served as a legal adviser to the Palestinians in negotiations with Israel. She was previously an adviser to Palestinian President Mahmoud Abbas.

We welcome you to Democracy Now! Diana Buttu, can you respond to the latest news from Gaza right now?

DIANA BUTTU: Yes, Amy, in addition to the killings of people, there have been more than 940 houses that have been destroyed by the Israeli army, in addition to much of the water infrastructure has also been targeted. This is a war that has been taking place against the Palestinian civilian population, deliberately designed to bring down the Palestinian civilian population. And this is why we’ve been calling for international intervention to hold Israel accountable to make sure that this precisely stops.

AMY GOODMAN: So, can you talk about how you see this ending?

DIANA BUTTU: The problem is, Amy, is that I don’t see it ending. The real issue here is whether Israel is going to be held accountable. And so far there hasn’t been any international actors who have stepped forward to say anything to Israel or to do anything against Israel. There haven’t been sanctions lobbied against Israel. There haven’t been any statements. And at the end of the day, it’s going to be simply a question of whether Israel gets tired of continuing to bomb a civilian population. We’ve seen this in the past, when it’s carried out bombing campaigns against Lebanon and also the previous bombing campaigns against Gaza. They usually end when Israel—when public opinion turns against Israel. And at the point in time, I just don’t see that there’s any action that’s being taken the stop Israel from continuing to carry out these attacks.

AMY GOODMAN: I want to turn to comments made by the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, on the weekend on Fox News.
PRIME MINISTER BENJAMIN NETANYAHU: You know, here’s the difference between us. We’re using missile defense to protect our civilians, and they’re using their civilians to protect their missiles. That’s basically the difference. They’re embedding these rockets that they’re firing wholesale into our cities, terrorist rocketing, trying to kill as many as they can. They’re not succeeding because of two reasons. One is because we’ve developed this incredible missile defense system, which I think is a historic development in the history of defensive warfare, with U.S. help, and I want to thank the American people, President Obama, the U.S. Congress for helping us fund this amazing development. But the other reason we’re succeeding—you have to understand some of the rockets do pierce through this shield, and the reason we’re succeeding is also because we’re targeting the rocketeers. The rocketeers are firing from homes. These homes are actually command posts of the Hamas and Islamic Jihad army. So, that’s where they have their secure communications, weapon caches, rockets, hidden map rooms and so on. These are their command posts. Obviously we’re not going to give them immunity, and so we have to attack them. And we try to minimize, as we can, civilian casualties.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s the Israeli prime minister, Benjamin Netanyahu, on Fox this weekend. Diana Buttu, again, he said, "We’re using missile defense to protect our civilians; they’re using their civilians to protect their missiles. That’s basically the difference," he says.

DIANA BUTTU: This is simply Israeli propaganda at its finest. When you look at the death toll and you see the numbers, then the numbers actually speak volumes. When you see that 80 percent of the people who have been killed are civilian, when you see that half of them are women and children, and when you see that who they’re actually bombing is a population 43 percent of whom are under the age of 14, then this is very easy to pierce through the propaganda.

But more importantly, I think it’s important to keep in mind that when Israel talks about who it’s targeting and what it’s targeting, they’ve never proffered any proof or any evidence for what it is that they’re trying to hit. They simply make these allegations, and networks like Fox take it in and simply accept it as being fact. But the fact of the matter is, is that when all of this is over, Israel has never allowed independent investigators to come in and see what it is that Israel is doing. At the end of the day, as much as Israel tries to claim that they’re not targeting civilians, they are, and the casualties speak volumes.

AMY GOODMAN: Last week we spoke to Joshua Hantman, the senior adviser to Israel’s ambassador to the United States. I asked him about the killing. At that point, it was more than a hundred Palestinians had been killed by Israeli airstrikes, most of them women and children. This was his response.
JOSHUA HANTMAN: For Israel, any civilian death is not only a tragedy, but it’s a failure, as well. And we review every single operation and every single strike to see how we can improve. We’ve hit over 800 targets to try and stop these rockets, to try and stop this indiscriminate missile fire against our civilians. Out of those 800 targets, I’ll be honest, the precision—the precision is quite outstanding. And there is no military in the history of the world that has actually used such precision targets. I mean, think about it from a military tactics point of view. We tell our enemies—we tell Hamas where we’re going to hit. We tell them with text messages, with phone calls, with leaflets. We tell them in order to get civilians out of harm’s way. But for them, civilian death is actually—it’s actually a success.
AMY GOODMAN: That’s Joshua Hantman, the senior adviser to Israel’s ambassador to the United States, again, responding to my question about the number of Palestinian children and women who have been killed. He talked about precision bombing. Diana Buttu, your response?

DIANA BUTTU: Yes, he’s precise. He is precisely bombing children, and he’s precisely bombing women. If their targeting is so precise, then what he’s saying is actually correct, that they are actually targeting women and children and civilians. And so, at the end of the day, as much as they can try to coat this as being somehow an aggression against some elements within the Gaza Strip, we know otherwise. And the death tolls in these past three aggressions against the Gaza Strip, these past three massacres, really lay out the picture that is actually happening there.

Amy, it’s important to keep in mind exactly what we’re talking about here in the Gaza Strip. This is a place that is twice the size of D.C., Washington, D.C., and it’s got 1.8 million people in it. Half of the population is under the age of 18. As I said, 43 percent is under the age of 14. If you are age seven at this point in time, you’ve been through three bombing campaigns by the Israelis. So, at the end of the day, as much as the Israelis want to claim that they’re using this target precision devices, etc., the toll is really being taken out on Palestinian civilians. So far to date, the Israelis have dropped more weaponry and more bombings than over the three-week campaign that took place in 2009. They’ve admittedly dropped more than 800 tons of bombs on the Gaza Strip.

AMY GOODMAN: Israel says it’s launching its attacks in response to the rocket fire from Gaza.

DIANA BUTTU: This is also another myth, Amy. It’s important to keep in mind what the events were that led up to this whole issue. There were three Israelis who had gone missing in the West Bank. The three Israelis, even though the Israelis knew that they were killed immediately, they ended up putting Palestinians under collective punishment. They ended up arresting more than 500 Palestinians. They killed 11 within that—even before the attack on the Gaza Strip. They ransacked 2,000 homes. They ended up demolishing quite a number of homes. And it became clear that this was going to spiral out of control. Bibi Netanyahu himself said that he was going to try to escalate to try to go after Hamas, even though they had absolutely no evidence. And what he really intended to do was to try to break this national unity government. He knew very well that the international support was alongside the Palestinians, because Israel had continued its settlement activity. It had failed when it came to the peace process. And it needed to bring international support back to Israel by carrying out a bombing campaign against Gaza.

AMY GOODMAN: Critics say the Israeli government is trying to destroy the Palestinian Authority—the unity deal with Hamas, as well as the recent efforts for international recognition by joining U.N. conventions. Can you respond to this, Diana Buttu?

DIANA BUTTU: Yes, I think that this is very much part of the strategy. If you think back to where we were just a couple of months ago, we were at the end of the peace process, a peace process that had failed in large part because—or entirely because the Israeli side continued to build more and more settlements. Even Secretary Kerry had said that he was exasperated by the situation. The national unity government was formed. Israel kept trying to break that national unity government. The international community was not willing to side with Israel on this, recognizing that this national unity government was the best thing for Palestinians. And in particular, there aren’t any members of Hamas within the national unity government. And so, he did his best to try to break it. He tried to do it through propaganda, and now he’s trying to do it with this military assault, all the while trying to shift focus onto Hamas and what Hamas is doing and ignoring the fact that he’s actually heading a government that consists of people who call for the ethnic cleansing of Palestinians.

AMY GOODMAN: Can you explain who those are who are firing the rockets at Israel? Who are the forces within Gaza? And what is the response within the population?

DIANA BUTTU: There are different people who are firing rockets. Some of them are members of Islamic Jihad, some of them are members of other smaller organizations, and some of them are members of Hamas. To be quite honest, I don’t know. I don’t live in Gaza at the moment; I used to, but I don’t at the moment. So it’s unclear.

The response of the Palestinian population is mixed. On the one hand, Palestinians recognize that there needs to be some defense and that they need to defend themselves against what Israel is doing. And on the other hand, there are some Palestinians who are critical and who are saying that this is just simply going to wreak more and more havoc on Palestinian lives. But at the end of the day, they recognize who is dropping the bombs, which is the Israelis.

And moving forward, I think that the only way that we can move forward is begin to talk about protecting Palestinians and having an international protection force that is there to protect Palestinians. This is something that the Israelis have refused to do over time. And I think now is the time that we begin to talk about this issue once again.

AMY GOODMAN: What has been the role of the United States?

DIANA BUTTU: The United States has been the biggest enabler for Israel. We haven’t heard any condemnations by Secretary Kerry or Obama. Instead, we’ve simply heard that Israel has a right to defend itself, whereas we know what Israel is doing: It’s defending its military occupation. We haven’t heard anything regarding the death toll that’s been inflicted on Palestinians and the efforts made by some Palestinians to broker a ceasefire. Instead, it’s simply been a hands-off system of allowing Israel to do whatever it wants to do. And again, Amy, this is not going to bring us any further to ending this conflict.

AMY GOODMAN: Do you think Hamas is ready for a ceasefire?

DIANA BUTTU: Hamas has indicated that they are ready for a ceasefire. They’ve listed out their conditions for a ceasefire. There was a call made last Thursday by the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas, to Secretary Kerry to try to get him to broker a ceasefire. He indicated that Netanyahu had outright rejected it. Netanyahu keeps indicating that he will not entertain talk of a ceasefire. And if you think about it, he has no—there’s no urgency for him to do so, because of the fact that there has been no international response against what Israel is doing.

AMY GOODMAN: I know you have to leave, Diana Buttu, but what are the conditions that Hamas has laid out for a ceasefire?

DIANA BUTTU: The primary conditions are for Israel to stop the attacks. Another condition is that they’ve indicated that they should release those prisoners that were re-arrested in this roundup after the three Israelis had gone missing. They’ve also indicated—they put forward other conditions relating to the movement of people, etc. But interestingly enough, they have actually not mentioned anything about the ongoing siege, which I think is one of the main reasons that this continues.

AMY GOODMAN: Diana Buttu, thank you for being with us, attorney based in Palestine, though she is at Harvard University right now, where we are speaking to her in Cambridge, Massachusetts. Diana Buttu has served as a legal adviser to the Palestinians in negotiations with Israel. She was previously an adviser to the Palestinian president, Mahmoud Abbas. When we come back, we go directly to Gaza. Stay with us.


US Taxpayers Are Subsidizing Defense of Alleged Killers of Palestinian Teen

Tuesday, 15 July 2014 09:14 By Uri Blau, ProPublica | Report
Flags of US and Israel. (Photo <a href="http://www.shutterstock.com/pic-33798487/stock-photo-flags-of-usa-and-israel-in-the-wind-close-up.html?src=6GWTwTHR4B1gBwlnBKIscg-1-20" target="_blank">via Shutterstock</a>)Flags of US and Israel. (Photo via Shutterstock)A controversial Israeli organization that's representing the six men recently arrested in the recent revenge killing of a Palestinian teenager is receiving thousands of dollars in tax-deductible support from Americans. The group, called Honenu (which roughly translates to "pardon"), supports Israelis charged with or convicted of violence against Palestinians.
Honenu's work goes well goes beyond legal aid.
The group says it also provides "spiritual" and "financial" assistance to prisoners and their families. Among those Honenu has helped: Yigal Amir, assassin of Israeli Prime Minister Yitzhak Rabin; an Israeli convicted of murdering seven Palestinians at a bus stop; and an Israeli soldier convicted of manslaughter and obstruction of justice after shooting a British photographer in Gaza.
The tax-exempt donations do not appear to run afoul of U.S. law. But they do put U.S. taxpayers in the position of subsidizing aid to Israelis convicted of politically motivated violence.

Asked about the group's work, Honenu spokesman Eran Schwartz said the organization "provides much help to Israeli police, soldiers and citizens who are entitled, as are all people, to legal defense." Schwartz declined to answer our other questions, including about the group's financial support that goes beyond legal defense. (See their full statement below.)

Honenu's latest filing to the Israeli government shows its overall budget for 2012 was nearly $600,000, about $120,000 of which went to legal aid, $34,000 to "financial assistance," and the rest to salaries and overhead. (Here is Honenu's filing, in Hebrew.)

The group, which was founded in 2001, uses an American nonprofit as conduit for donations. Honenu's website, which advertises that "your contribution is tax-deductible," says checks should be made out to "Central Fund of Israel," or CFI. As the New York Times detailed in 2010, the Central Fund of Israel serves as a "clearing house" for donations to hundreds of groups in Israel, some of them supporting settlements.

CFI has grown almost continuously since it was founded in 1979 by members of the Marcus family, who own a New York textile company.

Operating from Manhattan's garment district, CFI received about $16 million in 2012, according to the Fund's latest filing with the Internal Revenue Service. Jay Marcus, who now runs CFI, said donations in 2013 reached about $19 million.

In the Fund's filings with the IRS, it lists donations to Israeli groups as going to "social services, humanitarian aid, and aid to the poor."

Marcus confirmed in a phone call that his organization transfers donations to Honenu. "They are a legal aid society," he said.

Honenu's filing with the Israeli government shows the group received about $120,000 from CFI in 2012. The documents identify another $12,000 coming from "Honenu USA." A nonprofit organization with that name operated from Queens, New York and last filed a report to the Internal Revenue Service in 2010, stating it had received contributions of $33,000. It is not clear if Honenu USA is still active.

Marcus Owens, a lawyer who ran the IRS's nonprofit unit in the 1990s said such donations can fall into a tricky area: "While providing legal assistance to those accused of crimes is a long-standing charitable purpose (e.g. the American Civil Liberties Union), providing assistance to relatives of those convicted of crimes has been viewed by the US government as potentially encouraging further criminal action."
The State Department's recent annual report on terrorism included, for the first time, attacks by Israelis against Palestinians, citing a rise in "violent acts by extremist Jewish individuals and groups in retaliation for activity they deemed to be anti-settlement."

If you have experience with or information about American nonprofits supporting extremists in Israel, email Uri Blau or tweet him @uri_blau. Blau is an Israeli investigative journalist specialized in military and political affairs, corruption and transparency. He was a 2014 Nieman Fellow for Journalism at Harvard University.

Full response from Honenu

As our article details, Honenu is an Israeli group that received tax-deductible donations from the United States and supports Israelis charged with or convicted of violence against Palestinians. We asked Honenu for comment prior to our article. This is their full response:
Honenu's response to article by Uri Blau. The reporter, Uri Blau was convicted of severe crimes of espionage against Israel which attests to his motives and his anti-Israel and anti-Semitic interests. To date, we have not heard him expressing regret for his criminal actions. Honenu provides much help to Israeli police, soldiers and citizens who are entitled, as are all people, to legal defense. We will not cooperate with a convicted criminal whose goal is to damage Israelis and Jews.

The author of our article, freelancer Uri Blau, was convicted in 2012 in Israel of holding classified military documents he received as a reporter. The International Press Institute condemned the case against Blau as "undermining press freedom in general and investigative journalism in particular" in Israel. Here is more on Blau's case and press freedoms in Israel.

Monday, July 14, 2014

Pacific Discoveries

Earlier today I had the honor of giving a presentation before the Guam National Football (Soccer) Team. They have a friendly tournament coming up on island where they'll be facing off against teams like Saipan, Macau and Mongolia. I was asked by some of the coaches and staff for the team to speak about traditional navigation and use it as a metaphor to inspire the players. Traditional navigation in Micronesia is something to absolutely be proud of, even on Guam where it was lost for centuries and is being incorporated back into life again. People say that Magellan put Guam on the map. He did so only for Europeans. Peoples in Micronesia had their own maps and Guam was already on them. Chamorros had their own maps and these maps stretched from Asia to the Marshall Islands covering thousands of miles. To fixate on Magellan putting Guam on an map helps us forget so much that we can and should be proud of. Magellan puts Guam on the map 3500 years after Chamorros put it on the map. If anything Magellan and his voyage across the Pacific come thousands of years late. It is Chamorros who put Guam on the map, with their first voyage into the Pacific, they sailed seas no one had sailed before, and braved dangers unimaginable by humans up to that point in history. If you wanted to be brash and to be shameless, you could argue that Chamorros "discovered" the Pacific in the sense that they were the first to traverse a major part of it. I tried my best to articulate this to the players and it seemed like some of them got it.

  Below is an article about one of the groups TASI that is working to revive this tradition in Guam by connecting to other islands in Micronesia where their navigational skills were not lost. 


Flying Proa: A Pacific Marvel

by: Shaina Marie Santos
Joint Region Edge Staff
Stars and Stripes Guam

When European travelers first made their way to Guam, they were greeted by the sight of outrigger canoes with lateen sails speeding their way through the waters to meet them.

Those canoes were known as proas; single outrigger canoes used by the ancient Chamorro people of Guam. According to local sailor Frank Cruz, the proa or flying proa is the original vessel that brought the ancient people to the island.

“That’s the vessel they used to explore new lands,” he said. “But proa is a general term for any single outrigger canoe. In the Marianas, we have proas of different sizes and they have different names.”

Cruz said the name of ancient proa that has primarily survived is the galaide (gah-lie-DEE), which was a proa meant for sailing within the reefs. The oceangoing canoes that greeted European travelers were the sakman (SAHCK-muhn), which were much larger than the galaide and equipped with lateen sails.

“That’s the canoe the Europeans marveled over,” Cruz said. “They said that was the flying proa; that was the fastest thing that they’d ever seen.”

Unfortunately, native sailing techniques did not survive during Spain’s colonization of Guam and the rich history of proas was lost.


Though the historical knowledge was lost, Cruz learned the art of sailing from Tradition about Seafaring Islands (TASI) (tah-SEE), a non-profit organization whose name translates into ocean in the Chamorro language.

With the help of a centuries-old blueprint of an ancient proa, local seafaring enthusiasts at TASI have taken it upon themselves to revitalize Guam’s maritime traditions.

“We have a blueprint from a document that was produced in 1742 on the voyage of Capt. George Anson,” Cruz said. “(He was) a British navigator who brought a couple of ships through this area and he got stranded on Tinian. Then a sakman came up to Tinian; Capt. Anson captured the sakman and took the sakman and its crew of five Chamorros and a Spaniard on board and headed to the Philippines.”

Anson and his crew then allegedly took apart the sakman and drew a blueprint which serves as the closest image of what the proa may have been prior to its disappearance.

In 2008, TASI completed the construction of the first sakman built in the Marianas for nearly 300 years, which was christened “Saina” (SAI-nuh), meaning parents or elders. In May 2009, Saina made its maiden voyage to Rota in the Mariana Islands.

Cruz said the winds on the day of Saina’s maiden voyage were strong, causing the trip to take 40 hours to cross 45 miles to Rota. Nevertheless, Cruz said the trip was worth it.

“It was just exhilarating, there’s nothing like it,” he said. “When you get on the water for the first time and you finally experience that ‘hey, it’s not just a myth that our ancestors were able to sail these things out in the open water without any instruments, no navigational instruments and just on traditional knowledge,’ it’s just an incredible feeling. It also made me very proud to be a Chamorro at this time.”

Old Traditions

The proa’s speed could be attributed to the construction of the canoe. Unlike traditional boats, the front and end of the proa are exactly the same, allowing proas to change direction with a quick change of the sail. However, the sides of the canoe are asymmetrical.

Cruz said when looking at the proa’s side profile, both ends look identical. It is when you are facing the proa head on that you notice a difference.

“You notice one side of the canoe has more of a curve than the other side,” he said. “The side with the curve is the side that goes where the outrigger is. The curvature helps the canoe maintain its track in the water.”

Aside from the blueprints by Anson, Master Navigator Manny Sikau’s instruction of canoe building, canoe house building, sailing and navigation were very much a part of TASI’s successful voyage.

“Traditional navigation consists of using the stars, constellations, waves, whales, birds, floating logs, floating leaves, wreaths, wind, sun, even the moon,” he said. “It’s all of these (that) are part of the traditional navigation that can guide you to your destination.”

According to Sikau, there are points to keep in mind when navigating. From the use of the horizon to the stars, ancient navigators seem to have followed natural lines.

“There are 32 points for the horizons; the 32 points are the direction from one place to another,” he said. “To leave a place (and) sail to another place, each island has its own star path. If I want to go to the Philippines, since the Philippines is so big, I can use three stars to go to the Philippines. I can use the setting of Orion’s belt to Mindanao. If I go to Saipan from Guam, then I’ll follow (the) rising Big Dipper.”

Sikau said that though the maritime traditions have been lost on Guam, they can still be found in other places throughout Micronesia.

“In the Micronesian region, including the Marianas and the Caroline’s, this has been part of the culture of these people,” he said. “Where I’m from, from the Caroline’s, we still have this knowledge because we still need it. We’re still sailing the canoes. We have some kind of modern stuff like modern motor boat(s), but that cannot go far and (is) dependent on gasoline. The outrigger canoes are just (from) the local materials.”


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