Talking Decolonization and Presidential Politics


Every day I have a conversation about Guam and its political status and decolonization.

At least once a week though, I have a conversation about decolonization or political status that crosses territorial lines. 

It might be between Guam and any of the other territories or colonies of the United States. 

It might be just a comparative discussion about where each territory is at.

It might be a conversation undertaken to talk about how one territory should learn the lessons that others have. 

For example, Puerto Rico being so much larger than the other territories, it is common to see the Independence movement there as looming large, and to feel that there is much other territories can learn from Puerto Rican independence activists about growing or sustaining their own movements. 

But the visibility of the movement, especially given the larger population of Puerto Ricans in general, can sometimes obscure the fact that within Puerto Rico, the dynamics are much more complicated. 

Within the electoral and party politics of the territory, the independence party or movement is not necessarily the largest or most dominant group. 

I bring up the example of Puerto Rican precisely because in contrast to the other territories where the decolonization conversation is either smaller or not explicitly partisan, the conversation in Puerto Rico has been dominated for decades by political status options attached to partisan political parties. 

Although Guam has had elected officials express support for particular status options, it doesn't have statehood parties or independence parties or coalition or blocs, which means that this part of the decolonization conversation is tied to individual candidates, and not yet part of some larger political dimension. 

In Guam there are just two political parties, Democrats and Republicans. 

When extending the decolonization conversation to the US from Guam, it tends to stop short. 

Groups that take up the causes of one political status or the other, don't necessarily boost or endorse candidates, because the decolonization is still largely outside of that type of internal US political debate. 

This hasn't prevented some groups from talking about US electoral politics.

For example in 2016, after Donald Trump was elected president, Independent Guåhan held a Teach-In called a "Trump Teach-In."

The focus of the Teach-In was to share how a Trump presidency may impact certain issues related to Guam.

It didn't attack Trump but did highlight that things such as the military presence are likely to increase under Trump, but that someone like Trump may also take less seriously US military commitments to its allies and the rest of the world, which means that a place like Guam could become less strategically valuable, which means it could lead to more possibilities for Guam to change its status. 

In terms of decolonization and self-determination, there may be sharp distinctions between Democrats and Republicans in the US in terms of rhetoric, but in practice, the difference is often less stark. 

One may offer a more full throated support for self-determination than the other, but both parties tend to assume that whatever they are supporting or offering to the territories, remains within the sovereign control and power of the US, meaning, definitely not self-determination and definitely not decolonization. 

This is why it is always a little bit more fascinating for me to see endorsements from political status activists and parties from Puerto Rico of political candidates for president in the US. 

I understand the history and reality as to why it exists, but it remains strange for me. 

Here is one such post from 2020 from a Puerto Rican, who believes in Independence for Puerto Rico, but is also encouraging a vote for Joe Biden.


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OPINION: I am a Puerto Rican who believes in independence. I urge you to vote for Biden.

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