Thursday, March 31, 2016

Tinaitai gi Fino' Chamorro

Ti katoliko yu'. SDA i rilihon-hu anai dumadangkolu yu'.

Gi entre todu i gima'yu'us siha giya Guahan, i gima'yu'us Katoliko i mas Chamorro.

Hunggan, matanom i simiyas para i hineggen Protestante mas ki un siento anos tatte, lao ma'establesi ayu na guma'yu'us gi duranten i Tiempon Fina'amerikanu, ya humuyongna ti gof Chamorro i pengga' Protestante giya Guahan.

I rilihon SDA, humålom giya Guahan despues di i Tiempon Chapones, ya put enao manhålom i Chamorro siha gi duranten un mas didok na Tiempon Fina'amerikanu.

Anai estaba humålom yu' gi Gima'yu'us Katoliko, meggai Fino' Chamorro hu hungok, gi kanta siha, tinaitai siha yan pinagat lokkue'.

Lao gi gima'yu'us-mami, taya'.

Achokka' ti hu aksepta i doktrina komo iyo-ku, hu agradesi i che'cho'-na i Gima'yu'us Katoliko gi halacha na tiempo. Sa' siha mas umu'usa i Fino' Chamorro. Estague un hemplo:


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Tinaitai gi Fino' Chamorro para XXXII Damenggo gi Otdinario na Tiempo
08 Noviembre 2015


FINE’NA NA TINAITAI 1 Kgs 17:10-16
Un tinaitai ginen i fine’na na lepblon i Manrai
I profeta as Elijah humanao para Zarephath. Anai matto gue’ gi entradan i siuda, estaba guennao un biuda ni ñgumañgayu; ya ha agañg gue’, “Pot fabot chuli’e’ yo’ magi un pusuelon hanom para bai gimen.” Humanao i palao’an para u chule’, ya inessalague gue’, “Pot fabot fañule’ magi didide’ pan.” Manoppe i palao’an, “Komu lala’la’ i Saina, i Yu’os-mu, trabiha ti mama’titinas yo’ pan; ennao ha’ i un puñu na arina tetehnan gi taru yan didide’ laña gi buteya. Ti apmam ha’ na ñgumañgayu yo’ ya para bai halom ya bai fama’tinas para guahu yan i lahi-hu; ya yañggen monhayan ham chumocho para bai in matai.” Ilek-ña si Elijah, “Cha’-mu ma’a’añao.” “Hanao ya un cho’gue hafa gaige gi intension-mu. Lao fama’tinas finene’na dikike’ na broas ya un chuli’e’ yo’ magi. Despues nai un fama’tinas para hagu yan i lahi-mu. Sa’ i Saina, i Yi’us Israel, ilek-ña, “Ti u hokkok i taron arina, yan ti u añglo’ i buteyan laña, asta ayu na ha’ani anai para u na’uchan i Saina.” Pues ma’pos gue’ ya ha cho’gue taimanu ha’ ilek-ña si Elijah. Sumiña gue’ chumocho yan i lahi-ña yan si Elijah un añu; ti humokkok i taron arina, yan ti umañglo’ i buteyan laña, taimanu ha’ i ilek-ña i Saina ginen as Elijah.
I Fino’ i Saina. R. Si Yu’os Ma’ase.

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INEPPEN I SATMO Ps 146:7, 8-9, 9-10
R. ANTI-HU, TUNA I SAINA!
I Saina as Yu’us fi’et para todu i tiempo,
ha nana’i hustisia i manmapetsisigi,
yan neñgkanno’ para i manñalañg.
I Saina sumosotta i manmapreresu. INEPPE……
I Saina muna’fanmanlili’e’ i mambachet;
i Saina humahatsa hulo’ ayu siha i manetekon.
I Saina ha guaiya i manunas;
I Saina ha protetehi i manestrañgheru. INEPPE…..
I manaitata yan i mambi’uda ha sustietieni,
lao i kinalamten i manailayi ha kokontra.
I Saina u fangobietna para todu i tiempo;
i Yu’os-mu, O Zion, para todu i henerasion. Alleluia. INEPPE…

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SIGUNDO NA TINAITAI Heb 9:24-28
Un tinaitai ginen i katta para i Hebreo siha
Ti humalom i Kristo gi santuario ni fina’tinas kannai, ni makopia ginen i magahet na santuario; humalom gue’ gi lañget mismo kosa ki siña gue’ annok gi me’nan Yu’us pot hita. Ahe’ ti pot i para u sigi umofresen maisa gue’, taiguihi i takkilo’ na pale’ ni humahalom gi santuario kada sakkan yan i haga’ ni ti haga’-ña; sa’ yañggen para taiguennao pues siempre debi di usigi ha’ mamadesi desde ki i mafa’tinas i tano’. Lao pa’go umannok gue’, gi uttimon i siklo para u funas i isao para todu i tiempo ginen i sakrifisio-ña. Taimanu ha’ na esta ma’apunta na un biahi ha’ para u matai i taotao, ya despues di i finatai u mahusga, pues taiguennao ha’ lokkue’ na i Kristo un biahi ha’ para u ma’ofresi komu sakrifisio para u funas i isao taotao siha; guiya para u annok ta’lo pot sigundo biahi, ahe’ ti para u famunas isao sino ki para u chuli’e’ satbasion ayu siha i munanañgga gue’ ni maninalulula.
I Fino’ i Saina. R. Si Yu’os Ma’ase.

AKLAMASION EBANGHELIO Mt 5:3
R. Alleluia. MANMAGOF I MAMOPBLEN HINALOM: SA’ U IYON-ÑIHA I RAINON I LAÑGET. R. Alleluia.


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EBAÑGHELIO Mk 12:38-44
I Saina u gaige giya hamyu. R. Yan I espiritu-mu.
+ Un tinaitai ginen i santo ebañghelio sigun i tinige’ San Marcos. R. Gloria para hagu, Asaina.
Anai manfinanana’gue siha ilek-ña si Jesus: “Gof adahi hamyo ni ayu siha i eskribas, yan-ñiha manlaoya yan i anakko’ na magagon-ñiha yan manmasaluluda kon respetu gi pupbliku; ma’a’ayek i espesiat na ta’choñg gi halom i synagoga yan i mas maolek na ta’choñg gi gipot. Mafa’bababa i bi’uda siha yan masakekeñgguan ni gima’-ñiha, ya despues mana’a’annok na anakko’ tinayuyot-ñiñiha! I kastigon-ñiha siempre taiguennao ha’ inatdetña!” Anai mata’choñg gue’ papa’ gi un banda ya estaba i kahon limosna gi otro banda, ha ripara i linahyan ni manmamomo’lo limosna halom gi kahon. Meggai na manriku manmamo’lo halom dañgkulo na kantida; lao un popble na bi’uda matto ya mamo’lo halom dos dikike’ na salape’ ni balen un sentimu. Ha agañg guatu i mandisipulu-ña ya ilek-ña nu siha: “Malago’ yo’ na en ripara na meggaiña limosna-ña este i pepble na bi’uda ki todu ayu siha i esta manmanlimosna. Siha manmanna’i ginen i meggai na sepblan-ñiha, lao este na bi’uda manna’i ginen i pinepble-ña, todu i mantension-ña para luma’la’.”
I ebañghelion i Saina.  

R. Umatuna Hao Asaina Jesukristo
SETMON

Natural Guard Assemble!

This editorial is written from Maine, by longtime peace and demilitarization activist Bruce Gagnon. I first met Bruce in 2010 during a solidarity tour to South Korea. I learned so much from him, as he is so much more involved in international peace and demilitarization work than I am. The stories he shared of his struggles, his travels, the victories that movements he's participated in have garnered were both so educational and inspiring to me. In this editorial he poses something which Guam, as the Tip of America's Spear, as Fortress Guam, as a strategically important base to the US should consider, but rarely does. What if the massive amount of money that the US invests in bases and weapons, was used for something else? Something that didn't destroy, attack or defend, but provided stability in a more direct sense? In Guam we have become so accustomed to the variety of militarism that exists in the US, we constantly forget to ask questions about its nature, and whether that is the best way to spend the majority of your nation's budget each year? Can you imagine what the world would be like if every nation tried to emulate that model? There would be bankruptcies and even more warfare than their currently is. Every nation would foreclose their future to buy bigger bombs, and once you've invested so much in it, "un nota na tentashon, nahong na rason," you tend to look for any reason to use to, to prove that your starving children and crumbling infrastructure is worth it for the fireworks displays of human suffering you can now create. The way we in Guam are stuck in thinking of defense and security from the perspective of the world's largest and most paranoid nation, often times inhibits our abilities to think about our own interests and what Guam might look like if we were decolonized and became an independent country. When conceiving what Guam might be without our colonial masters, people assume that if we cannot be exactly like the United States, it is unacceptable, as the US is supposed to be the epitome of possibility. To paraphrase a line from a Mel Brook's movie, that is why it is "good to be the colonizer." The more effective your colonization is, the more your colonial subjects see you as the apex of advancement and achievement. The more entangled they are in their desires to be like you, even if it means giving up who they are, their culture, lands and language, the more impossible they see their own independence, as they are the binary opposite. I recall from a quote from my Masters Thesis in Ethnic Studies, oh so many years ago, that touched on this. Through my interviews about the possibility of decolonization, I encountered so many statements that showed Chamorros were incredibly fearful of what the future held should there be more local authority over life. In this case a Chamorro said, that if Guam was decolonized "...a Guam military [would] fight off the Chinese with spears and slingstones."

What is so interesting about this resistance though, is that the obscene dimensions of American militarism and militarization never enter peoples' minds. As crazy as a modern army fighting with slingstones and spears sounds, shouldn't it seem even more ridiculous that a country spend the majority of its budget on arming itself, and as a result let its most basic infrastructure for life suffer and decline?

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OP-ED
March 30, 2016
The Times Record
Brunswick, Maine

A March 18 article in The Times Record, “Vietnam facing severe drought,” caught my attention. The AP reported, “Vietnam’s southern Mekong Delta, the country’s main rice growing region, is experiencing the worst drought and saline intrusion in recent history that has affected more than half a million people.”

Here in Maine we had little winter this year with temperatures warming to record levels. There have been 10 straight months of record setting temperature rises worldwide. Our weather is changing — and unless something is done now our children and the future generations will suffer terribly. What are we willing to change in order that they have a future?

The Pentagon occupies 6,000 bases in the US and 1,000 bases in 150 foreign countries (See David Vine’s new book, “Base Nation”). The Pentagon has admitted to burning 350,000 barrels of oil a day and that doesn’t include oil burned by contractors and weapons suppliers.

Yet, despite having the planet’s single largest carbon bootprint, the Pentagon has been granted a unique exemption from reducing — or even reporting — its pollution. The U.S. won this prize during the 1998 Kyoto Protocol negotiations (COP4) after the Pentagon insisted on a “national security provision” that would place its operations beyond global scrutiny or control. As former Undersecretary of State Stuart Eizenstat recalled: “Every requirement the Defense Department and uniformed military who were at Kyoto by my side said they wanted, they got.” ( Also exempted from pollution regulation: all Pentagon weapons testing, military exercises, NATO operations and “peacekeeping” missions.)

How do we move away from this toxic industrial way of life we have today here in the U.S.? How do we begin to quickly move to a different kind of industrial footprint? Rather than polluting cars, endless dirty wars, and a crumbling national infrastructure is it possible we could quickly make a shift to a sustainable future?

Germany is helping to show the way by lessening fossil fuel use and moving toward solar and wind power. Residential power prices are at their lowest levels in more than a decade. Coal-fired, gas- fired and nuclear power plants are being shut down throughout Germany — no longer needed. Why couldn’t we do that in the US? We know this direction creates more jobs and gives our kids a chance for a real future.

Around the world we are almost daily hearing about more severe weather like in Vietnam where drought will surely impact its ability to feed people. Stronger hurricanes and typhoons will intensify the already tragic global refugee crisis. Rising sea levels are already impacting some small Pacific islands. Where will those people go?

In the U.S. we are told there is no money to create a national emergency program to jump start a sustainable transition. Few, if any, politicians are willing to call out the elephant in the middle of the room – the Pentagon which today rakes in 54 percent of every federal discretionary tax dollar [National Priorities Project]. Are Sens. Collins and King, and Rep. Pingree, willing to call for the conversion of military production at places like BIW to build commuter rail systems, off- shore wind farms, tidal power and more?

When a nation moves toward a sustainable future the need to go to war for oil is dramatically reduced. Obviously the oil corporations, and the military industrial complex that former President Eisenhower warned us about, won’t like this plan but immediate profits and our children’s future don’t go hand-in-hand.

What if we converted the US war machine? When you add up all the various ‘national security’ pots of gold our annual taxpayer appropriation for the military costs right at $1 trillion?

Why not turn the Pentagon into the “Natural Guard” and build rescue hospital ships at BIW and send them to places around the world to help people who will be suffering as our Mother Earth’s body convulses in toxic shock.

Instead of killing people around the world to secure “our oil,” why not rely on the sun and the wind for power and turn global enemies into friends?

It takes vision, and a little light, to see the needed direction for our nation during this very Dark Age we are currently living in. Each of us must take some level of responsibility for this predicament but more importantly each of us must help do whatever we can to bring on the Natural Guard.

What is the most important job of a human being on Earth today? Make lots of money, buy lots of stuff, or protect the future generations? To me it is a no-brainer.

~ Bruce K. Gagnon is a member of PeaceWorks and lives in Bath.  

Wednesday, March 30, 2016

Pacific Languages in Diaspora




Call for Papers
Amerasia Journal's latest call for papers
PACIFIC LANGUAGES IN DIASPORA

Guest Editors:
Professor Serge Tcherkezoff (Anthropology, French Institute of Advanced Studies in Social Sciences)
Professor Luafata Simanu-Klutz (Samoan Language and Literature, University of Hawai‘i, Mānoa)
Dr. Akiemi Glenn (Te Taki Tokelau Community Training and Development)

Publication Date: Issue planned for Spring 2017 publication.
Due Date: Paper submissions (up to 5,000 words) due June 1, 2016

Change is native to the world of Epeli Hau‘ofa’s “sea of islands,” where the ocean has historically connected people and served as a thoroughfare for the flow of resources, culture, and ideas. The Pacific is home to the richest linguistic diversity on our planet and yet many of the native languages of the region are under threat and many more have been lost. As the currents of colonization, globalization, and climate change carry Pacific people far beyond their homelands, their languages travel with them into new physical and cultural spaces. In a region steeped in cultural histories of voyaging, exploration, adaptation, and population movement, how do Pacific Island languages and their speakers respond to present transformations of their social and physical environments? For diasporic communities, what is the value of holding on to ancestral languages in new lands? In the midst of change, is language a beacon that draws communities together to conserve their heritage or is it a malleable tool for way finding and creating new identities?

This special issue of Amerasia Journal invites papers that investigate the contemporary diasporas of the Pacific Islands through the lens of language. We welcome work that delves into the relationships between language and geography; language and identity; language change and history; cultural particularity and culture sharing; language, communication, and media technology; language in education; the influence of cultural institutions such as language revitalization programs and churches; language in the family; language and climate change; and the transmission of traditional knowledge. We seek scholarship that highlights the diversity of Pacific Islander diasporic communities, the heterogeneous experiences of the children of migrants and their elders, contact between Pacific languages, the negotiations of hybrid identities, innovations in art, social networking, and politics. We encourage the submission of interdisciplinary and accessible writings that may be adopted for courses in Asian American Studies, American Studies, American Indian Studies, Asian Studies, Critical Ethnic Studies, and Pacific Islands Studies.

Submission Guidelines and Review Process

The guest editors, in consultation with Amerasia Journal editors and peer reviewers, make decisions on the final essays:

• Initial review of submitted papers by guest editors and Amerasia Journal editorial staff
• Papers approved by editors will undergo blind peer review
• Revision of accepted peer-reviewed papers and final submission

This special issue seeks papers of approximately 5,000 words in length. All correspondence should refer to “Amerasia Journal Pacific Languages Issue” in the subject line. Please send correspondence and papers to Dr. Arnold Pan, Associate Editor: arnoldpan@ucla.edu.

Tuesday, March 29, 2016

Babes for Trump

I am eagerly awaiting the "Babes for Bernie" and "Hotties for Hillary" instagrams after seeing the "Babes for Trump" version.

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"Dudes Launch 'Babes for Trump Instagram' to Elevate Women's Voices
Jessica Samakow
3/29/16
Huffington Post
http://www.huffingtonpost.com/entry/babes-for-trump-instagram_us_56f9c245e4b014d3fe23f8b8?cps=gravity_5059_-5927310011328744881


Women have strong political convictions; women have the right to vote. More importantly, though, women have boobs and butts.

At first glance, you might gather that’s the message behind a growing Instagram account, “Babes For Trump” which proclaims to be, “Making America Great Again One Babe At A Time.”

The account, that is run by men, houses dozens of images of conventionally-attractive women baring it all in the name of supporting Trump. The photos range from women covering their nipples with Trump stickers, to others where support for Trump is expressed through campaign slogans Sharpied onto women’s butts. There are also a number of photos posted on the account that make no reference to Trump at all, but viewers can glean the subjects’ political preferences based on the accompanying hashtags: #babe4trump #babes4trump #babefortrump #babesfortrump #trump #trump2016 #trumpgirls #donaldtrump #bootypics #bootybootybooty.


Women have strong political convictions; women have the right to vote. More importantly, though, women have boobs and butts.

At first glance, you might gather that’s the message behind a growing Instagram account, “Babes For Trump” which proclaims to be, “Making America Great Again One Babe At A Time.”
The account, that is run by men, houses dozens of images of conventionally-attractive women baring it all in the name of supporting Trump. The photos range from women covering their nipples with Trump stickers, to others where support for Trump is expressed through campaign slogans Sharpied onto women’s butts. There are also a number of photos posted on the account that make no reference to Trump at all, but viewers can glean the subjects’ political preferences based on the accompanying hashtags: #babe4trump #babes4trump #babefortrump #babesfortrump #trump #trump2016 #trumpgirls #donaldtrump #bootypics #bootybootybooty.


The four college men behind Babes For Trump, which is also on Snapchat and Twitter, wouldn’t disclose their names, but told The Huffington Post their goal was to “create a unique platform for college students, primarily women, to express their political views.”

When asked how posting pictures of almost-naked women helps to elevate female voices, the guys said that simply drawing attention to their account, which has over 3,000 followers and only posts photos that were submitted to them, does just that.

“Just recently a woman from California reached out thanking us for giving girls the chance to be heard and praised for their thoughts without being attacked,” the creators told HuffPost. And they don’t deny that sex sells: “These pictures represent women in a manner to which they can be desired.”


Of course, there isn’t anything inherently wrong with women showing their bodies. To the contrary, a woman’s right to exercise bodily autonomy, however she chooses to do that, is exactly why it’s so important for women to be involved in the political process. But the Babes For Trump account is uncomfortably reminiscent of their favorite presidential candidate’s sexist proclivity for ranking women based on their appearances. 

Donald Trump has a long and storied history of equating a woman’s value with her looks. Most recently, the GOP frontrunner retweeted an image of his wife Melania juxtaposed with an unflattering shot of Ted Cruz’s wife, Heidi — presumably to prove that Melania is hotter. One post on Babes For Trump seems to echo that meme, showing a split-screen image of a female Bernie Sanders supporter and the butts of two Trump supporters. The caption charmingly reads, “You decide. We know who we’re going with.”

Troubled by the notion that a candidate’s worth might be determined by the perceived hotness of his or her voters, we suggested to the creators that, maybe we shouldn’t be voting based on whose supporters have nicer asses.

The Babes For Trump masterminds agreed — though they didn’t feel that their account was pushing any such idea.

“People shouldn’t make a decision based off an ass, that’s ridiculous,” they said. “The people who follow our account are more likely to be attracted to a woman like the one associated with Trump in our picture, compared to that of the Bernie supporter. It’s also evident that some people may find the opposite to be true, where the Bernie supporter may be found more desirable.”

Though the captions posted under the Babes For Trump photos don’t explain why the women in said photos are voting for Trump, the male creators believe that the candidate’s female supporters are able to reconcile his questionable views about women because he has other things to offer.

“We think people have the capability to move past those sort of things and look at the bigger picture,” they told HuffPost. “People align with his policies and philosophies more than his comments and look past them.”

If you are a woman who is voting for Trump, we’d love to hear from you. Email women@huffingtonpost.com.

Friday, March 25, 2016

Best of Okinawan Posts

I have returned from yet another trip to Okinawa.

This was my sixth trip there in five years.

I have been there for conferences, symposiums, research trips and consultations.

Although I have mainly spent time on the main island of Okinawa, in its southern densely populated area, last year I was fortunate enough to attend a conference in Ishigaki Island to the south.

I have amassed quite a few posts about each trip, talking about the things I have witnesses and the things I have been told about.

I even used interviews from some of my trips to create episodes for the Guam-based public radio program Beyond the Fence. 

I am considering, re-posting some of my favorite posts from my trips.

We'll see if I actually sit down to do this, or if it just remains a thought in my head. 


Wednesday, March 23, 2016

Merrick Garland

Watching Republicans move into their latest form of obstructionism, over the refusal to have hearings for any nominee Obama offers to the US Supreme Court, has been frustrating. Watching them try to justify not considering Obama's nominee, who Republicans in the past have praised as being highly qualified, has been frustrating in a very satisfying way. It is a very strange dance, with so many movements and partners, who court each other one moment and then pretend not to know each other the next. Senate Republicans who are facing re-election appear to be more willing to compromise, whereas those not maintain the judicial nomination blockade. Obama picked someone which forces the hand of the GOP, and also heightens their worries about who might win the election in November. Both Trump and Clinton mean that any nominees offered next year, might be either more liberal, or more unreasonably and irrationally conservative. It will be interesting to see how this develops and what Republicans will do if more cracks appear in their current blockade wall.


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The Supreme Court and the Republican Coup D'etat
Geoffrey R. Stone
Huffington Post
3/19/16


In 2005, President George W. Bush nominated John Roberts to succeed Justice Sandra Day O’Connor. At this time, Justice O’Connor was the Court’s pivotal “swing” Justice. In many of the Court’s most important cases, she cast the deciding vote. Moreover, she generally leaned left on such controversial issues as abortion, the rights of gays and lesbians, affirmative action and campaign finance reform. There was thus little doubt that, if confirmed, John Roberts, who was well-known for his conservative views, would move the Court significantly to the right.

As a liberal, this did not make me happy. Nonetheless, after some reflection, I published an op-ed in the Chicago Tribune calling on Democratic senators, and on liberals generally, to “sheathe their swords” and to support the President’s nomination. Although I fully understood the impact Roberts’ confirmation would have on the Court, I nonetheless endorsed his confirmation.

I explained in the op-ed that, although Roberts had established himself as a “dyed-in-the-wool conservative,” unlike Justices Antonin Scalia and Clarence Thomas, he was not “ideologically rigid.” I applauded Roberts for being a “good lawyer” and a “good craftsman,” and I predicted that, based on his past record, he would be “a principled, pragmatic justice” who could be expected to “act cautiously and with a healthy respect for precedent.”

I therefore reasoned that, although Roberts definitely would not have been my choice for the Supreme Court, he was a well-qualified, moderately-conservative nominee who should be confirmed. More precisely, I concluded:
Of course, the Senate must fulfill its constitutional responsibility to interrogate the nominee to ensure that he is, in fact, the person I have described. But if he is, he should be warmly embraced as the best the nation could expect from this administration — a brilliant, decent individual with superb legal skills and without a rigid ideological agenda.
This is the approach that every principled and responsible member of the Senate should take to the Supreme Court confirmation process. If a nominee is well-qualified and reasonably moderate, the Senate should confirm. Period. That’s what “advice-and-consent” means. It serves as a check against the possibility that a President will abuse his authority and appoint an individual who is unqualified, who has serious ethical issues, or whose views are out of the “mainstream” of legal thought. But if the nominee is well-qualified and reasonably moderate in his views, the responsibility of the Senate is to confirm.

Indeed, this is precisely the approach the Senate has taken to every well-qualified and reasonably moderate nominee for over half-a-century. Every such nominee, ranging from Lewis Powell to John Paul Stevens to Sandra Day O’Connor to David Souter to Harry Blackmun to Stephen Breyer to John Roberts to Elena Kagan has — without a single exception — been confirmed. This is the well-settled meaning of “advice and consent.”

And that brings me to Merrick Garland. Based on his record of achievement throughout his illustrious career, and particularly during his nineteen years as a judge on the United States Court of Appeals, no serious person has any doubt about Judge Garland’s intellect, his character, his generosity of spirit, his respect for precedent or the moderate nature of his views. Although he leans in a liberal direction, he is never doctrinaire, never ideological and never disrespectful of competing positions.

He is, indeed, almost perfectly analogous to the John Roberts, I commended for confirmation a little more than a decade ago. Although there are liberals who are disappointed that President Obama did not nominate someone more in the spirit of a William Brennan or a Thurgood Marshall, Merrick Garland is an exceptional choice.

But Senate Republicans, led by the likes of Mitch McConnell and Charles Grassley, refuse even to consider his nomination. The explanation they offer — that the Senate should not consider a Supreme Court nomination made in the last year of a President’s term — is nothing short of ludicrous. Although such nominations do not come along very often, there is absolutely no tradition or practice that supports such an approach. To the contrary, over the course of the last century almost every such nomination has been confirmed without fuss.

McConnell and Grassley maintain that the “people” should be allowed to decide the makeup of the Supreme Court in the coming presidential election. But the plain and simple fact is that the People have already decided this issue when they elected — and then reelected — Barack Obama as President of the United States. Mitch McConnell’s fervent desire to the contrary, President Obama is the duly-elected President of the United States. It is his responsibility to nominate a Justice to fill the current vacancy, and it is the Senate’s responsibility to consider that nomination in a timely and responsible manner that is consistent with our well-established traditions.

Of course, the real reason for the McConnell-Grassley position has nothing at all to do with the fact that the nomination comes in the final year of President Obama’s term. It is inconceivable, for example, that they would take this position in the final year of, say, President Mitt Romney’s term of office. What we are dealing with here is rank hypocrisy.

The real reason for the intransigence of the Senate Republicans is that if Judge Garland were to succeed Justice Antonin Scalia on the Court, his appointment would move the Court in a more liberal direction. It would move the Court more or less back to the place it was at ten years ago, before the appointment of the very conservative Samuel Alito moved the Court appreciably to the right and enabled it either to eviscerate or to overrule many of the decisions on which the more moderate Justice O’Connor had previously leaned left.

It is perfectly understandable that Senate Republicans want the Supreme Court to mirror their views and do their bidding. But that is not a constitutionally legitimate reason for the Senate to refuse to confirm a well-qualified and reasonably moderate nominee. Indeed, it is noteworthy that of the sixteen Supreme Court justices who have been confirmed since 1967, eight of them substantially altered the ideological balance on the Court.

These eight pivotal appointments since 1967 were Warren Burger for Earl Warren, Lewis Powell for Hugo Black, Harry Blackmun for Abe Fortas, William Rehnquist for John Harlan, John Paul Stevens for William Douglas, David Souter for William Brennan, Clarence Thomas for Thurgood Marshall, and Samuel Alito for Sandra Day O’Connor. (Alito, rather than Roberts, succeeded O’Connor, because while Roberts’ confirmation was pending Chief Justice Rehnquist died and President Bush switched gears and nominated Roberts to be Chief Justice).

It is striking, by the way, that every one of the eight Justices whose confirmations had a substantial impact on the ideological makeup of the Supreme Court in almost half-a-century was nominated by a Republican president, and every one of them moved the Court in a more conservative direction. It is largely for that reason that the Court is more conservative today than at any time in almost a century.
Now, for the first time since 1967, a nominee put forward by a Democratic president might actually move the Court in an appreciably more liberal direction, and what happens - the Senate Republicans have a conniption! To make matters even worse, the nominee is only moderately liberal. The shift in the Court is due not to the judicial philosophy of Merrick Garland, but to the fact that he would replace one of the most rigidly conservative Justices in Supreme Court history.

McConnell, Grassley, and their cronies may not like the hand they have been dealt, but it is not their business to disregard well-established tradition. The plain and simple fact is that Merrick Garland is a well-qualified and reasonably moderate nominee. There is no principled or legitimate justification for refusing to consider — or to confirm — his nomination.

It is time for the Senate Republicans to back off and to act like responsible grownups who recognize that they have a solemn obligation to act according to the rule of law. If they don’t like that, then perhaps they should just resign their positions and let the nation get on with its business. If they move forward with their cynical and hypocritical plan, they will be guilty of a coup d’état of epic proportions.

Monday, March 21, 2016

5 Bad Ass Japanese American Women


5 Bad Ass Japanese American Women Activists You Probably Didn't Learn About in History Class
Densho Blog
by Nina Wallace
March 15, 2016


Since history tends to sideline the central role so many women played in the major social movements of the 20th century, here’s a little herstory lesson about five women warriors whose incarceration during World War II inspired them to fight back–some more widely known than others, all supremely talented and fierce activists who nuh care if them hurt hurt hurting your stereotypes about quiet, submissive Asian women.

AikoHerzig-Yoshinaga1. Aiko Herzig-Yoshinaga

The redress movement owes a lot to Aiko Herzig-Yoshinaga. A hardworking single mom, after the war she resettled in New York, where she became assistant director of a public health organization providing, as she put it, “education about venereal diseases.” (They had to call it “social health” though, cuz, you know, think of the children!) In the 1960s, she joined Asian Americans for Action (AAA), a group led by lady activists and a few bros down with the struggle, and got involved in the Civil Rights Movement and protests against the Vietnam War. Aiko remarried and moved to Washington, D.C. in 1978, and dove headfirst into the National Archives, working 50-60 hour weeks cataloging information on the wartime incarceration. As lead researcher of the investigation into the camps, she uncovered evidence disproving government claims of “military necessity.” Her findings were the foundation of the report leading to the redress bill, as well as the coram nobis cases that overturned convictions for challenging the exclusion. “You’re welcome” — Aiko, probably.



en-denshopd-p245-00001-1_12. Michi Nishiura Weglyn

Michi Nishiura Weglyn, author of Years of Infamy, was fifteen when her family was “evacuated” to Gila River. Not one to let the Man get her down, Michi spent her time in camp heading her high school’s Forensics League, winning awards for writing and public speaking, and organizing young women’s associations. She left camp to major in biology (and minor in pioneering for women in STEM), but her education was cut short when she contracted tuberculosis. After moving to New York and winning acclaim as a costume designer for the Perry Como Show, Michi devoted herself to researching the “untold story” of the concentration camps. (Spoiler alert: it was racist!) In 1975, she published what would come to be known as the “Bible of the Redress Movement,” exposing prejudice and misinformation as the driving forces behind the incarceration, and bolstering support for the growing movement. She later turned her attention to Japanese Latin Americans and others who had been denied reparations, advocating on their behalf well into the 1990s.



ddr-densho-104-2-mezzanine-18dd147b66-a3. Aki Kurose

This is Aki Kurose, social justice advocate, award-winning teacher of “math, science and peace,” and all-around amazing human being. Growing up in a diverse (and red-lined) neighborhood of Seattle, from a young age she was encouraged by her parents to challenge stereotypes and aspire to more than changing diapers and sweeping floors. Upon returning to Seattle after the war, she worked for an interethnic porter’s union and, after some firsthand experience with discriminatory, “Sorry, it’s been sold already” realtors, became involved in CORE and the open housing movement. She began teaching in the 1970s and was soon transferred to an affluent, essentially all-white school as part of the district’s desegregation plan. Aki somehow managed to do her job despite having to put up with the criticism and literal surveillance of racist “concerned” parents, helping to integrate students of color being bused in, pushing other teachers to adopt multicultural education, and generally killing it in the classroom. She received the United Nations Human Rights Award in 1992.



blackedout-yuri4. Yuri Kochiyama

Best known for her friendship with Malcom X (and that famous photo), Yuri Kochiyama was a revolutionary in her own right. Her relatively privileged childhood came to an abrupt end when her father was arrested by the FBI mere hours after Pearl Harbor and, after six weeks of detention that aggravated existing health conditions, died upon his release. Imprisoned in Jerome during the war, she relocated to New York with her family and adopted an increasingly radical political view as she became active in Asian Americans for Action and other civil rights organizations.  She came into contact with the movement through Malcom, but Yuri continued to work with Black nationalist groups well past his 1965 assassination, supporting political prisoners and building coalitions between Black and Asian American activists, in addition to advocating for nuclear disarmament, an end to the Vietnam War, Japanese American redress, Puerto Rican independence, and many, many other issues until her death in 2014. Rest in power, Sister Yuri.




CherryKinoshita5. Cherry Kinoshita

Cherry Kinoshita spent a lot of time in the kind of dude-centric spaces where she’d often be the only woman in the room — and had exactly zero problems holding her own, even when her colleagues made fun of her for being all emotional and womanish or whatever. A former Minidoka inmate, she returned to Seattle with her husband after the war and joined the local Japanese American Citizens League (JACL). She was chapter president by the time the redress movement began to gain steam in the 1970s (and would go on to serve as vice governor for the Northwest district and vice president of the JACL’s national board). Cherry helped get the grass roots movement off the ground, took the lead in preparing the community for the CWRIC hearings, and was heavily involved in lobbying for redress and reparations — all while facing opposition from those who said drudging up the incarceration history would only cause trouble. Oh, and in her spare time she ran a successful campaign to force the Seattle school district to compensate Nikkei clerks they’d fired in response to Pearl Harbor.




Saturday, March 19, 2016

Rape in Okinawa

I was in Okinawa last week, during which time a US Navy sailor was arrested and charged with the raping of a Japanese woman in a hotel in Naha, the capital city of the island. As violence against women has been one of the most significant rallying cries for opposition to the US bases in the island, I expected this issue to dominate most of my discussions as I met with dozens of demilitarization and decolonization activists. My previous trip to Okinawa (gi ma'pos na sakkan) coincided with the anniversary of the most famous rape case in recent Okinawan history, where in 1995 a 12 year old girl was brutalized three US servicemen. That incident spurned on an island-wide protest movement, where close to 100,000 gathered on one occasion. But this most recent case didn't penetrate the conversations I was in, as much as I had anticipated. It was broached, it was invoked, but few expressed rich outrage at it. Few made the broader connections, that I often witnessed in the past. I wondered how much of this was connected to what one of the presenters at the conference I attended mentioned, namely the way women's issues are lost in most groups pushing for demilitarization and decolonization on the island. That the rapes and the sexual violence against women can be eagerly used to mobilize people around feelings of victimization through the use of women's bodies as mediums, but it is easy to lose focus on this issue once other interests come into play.
This is always an issue with decolonization movements, and something that I must be more mindful of in my own discussions and writings. It is easy to assume a genderless subject, when talking about the developing of a national consciousness and anti-colonial movements, but in practice this is hardly the case. Movements such as this, and the actors who carry it out, male and female alike often times embody male positions, an unmarked category that leaves many frameworks of institutional violence completely untouched.


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Sailor Charged with Raping Woman in Okinawan Hotel
  By Matthew M. Burke and Chiyomi Sumida
Stars and Stripes
Published: March 14, 2016

CAMP FOSTER, Okinawa — A U.S. Navy sailor assigned to Camp Schwab has been charged with raping a Japanese woman in an Okinawa hotel, a case that could enflame tensions on the tiny island prefecture, if history is any indication.

Japanese police say Seaman Apprentice Justin Castellanos, 24, found the female tourist, from the mainland city of Fukuoka, intoxicated and asleep in the hotel’s hallway, took her into his room and raped her between 1 and 4 a.m. Sunday.

A friend of the woman, who is in her 40s, reported the alleged incident, and police took in Castellanos for questioning. He was placed under arrest at the police station, and the case was referred to prosecutors Monday afternoon. Police say Castellanos denies the allegations.
Okinawa has been the site of several high-profile sexual assaults over the years, including a case involving two Navy reservists in late 2012 that led to a curfew for all U.S. servicemembers in Japan. The curfew, slightly relaxed in 2014, remains in effect.

“The incident is extremely deplorable,” Japanese Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga said at a news conference Monday. “Japan filed a strong protest with the U.S. Embassy. At the same time, we called for enforcement of strict discipline and preventive measures.”

Capt. Jeff Davis, spokesman for the Pentagon, said Monday that Castellanos is in Naha police custody.

"U.S. Forces Japan, the Marine Corps, the Navy and the Naval Criminal Investigative Service are cooperating fully with the Naha city police department and their investigation," he said.
Davis was unaware whether the incident has sparked changes to off-base privileges.
"That would be the purview of the commanders on the ground," he said.

Suga deflected questions at the news conference on whether the incident would affect the planned relocation of Marine Corps Air Station Futenma, which has been the target of small but vocal protests. But Okinawa Gov. Takeshi Onaga, who has been openly critical of the relocation plan, condemned the incident Monday.

“It was a serious crime that violated women’s human rights, which is never to be tolerated,” Onaga was quoted as saying by a spokesman. “I am indignant.”

Onaga said the incident, if true, could hurt the island prefecture’s important tourism industry.
A protest was filed Monday with the Okinawa Liaison Office of the Ministry of Foreign Affairs and Okinawa Defense Bureau, his spokesman said. A protest will also be lodged with U.S. military officials.

Some Okinawans have bristled at hosting more than half of the U.S. troops stationed in Japan even though the island accounts for less than 1 percent of its total land mass.

Crimes committed by American servicemembers have been on the decline in recent years, but sexual assaults continue to draw the ire of local residents.

In the most high-profile case, three U.S. servicemembers abducted and raped a 12-year-old schoolgirl in 1995. That led to mass protests and plans to reduce the U.S. military footprint on the island and relocate Futenma from a densely populated area.

Stars and Stripes reporter Tara Copp contributed to this story.
burke.matt@stripes.com
sumida.chiyomi@stripes.com



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U.S. serviceman accused of rape in Okinawa
by Euan McKirdy
CNN
3/14/16

(CNN)A U.S. serviceman has been arrested in the southern Japanese prefecture of Okinawa on suspicion of raping a Japanese tourist, local police have confirmed to CNN. The alleged attack took place in the serviceman's hotel room in Naha, the prefectural capital.

The man, identified by Okinawan police as 24-year old Navy sailor Justin Castellanos, stationed at Camp Schwab in Okinawa, allegedly took the victim, a 40-year-old woman from the Japanese prefecture of Kyushu, to his room after finding her asleep, drunk, in the hotel's lobby before raping her.

Reports say that he has denied the accusation. The U.S. Embassy in Tokyo declined to comment about the incident.

"It is a crime which seriously violates human rights of women and should never be tolerated," Okinawa governor Takeshi Onaga told reporters at a press conference. 

"We are going to lodge a strong complaint ​against ​U.S. forces in Japan, the Ministry of Foreign Affairs, and the Ministry of Defense.

"It is reported the victim is a tourist. Tourism is Okinawa's main industry and we have been making efforts to ensure the safety of tourists."

A U.S. State Department said in a briefing that the U.S. government takes "the reports very, very seriously," and said that the U.S. Navy was also investigating the incident. 

"If there is a need to hold someone accountable, they will do that... (the Japanese government and U.S. Navy) will do that in open and transparent way," U.S. State Department spokesman John Kirby said.

"We take our relationship with the people of Okinawa as with everybody in Japan very, very seriously, It's a strong alliance, it's a deep and abiding friendship and we have great respect for the Japanese people.. If (the incident did occur), it's obviously inconsistent with our values and principles and what we expect of our people overseas."

Previous crimes

U.S. troops stationed in the prefecture have previously been convicted of assault and other crimes. In 1995, three U.S. servicemen, Rodrico Harp, Kendrick Ledet and Marcus Gill, who were at the time stationed in Okinawa, were convicted of the abduction and rape of a 12-year-old girl, and in 2013, two American sailors were convicted by a Japanese court of the 2012 rape of a Japanese woman that they were found to have followed from a bar. 

In the past, crimes committed by U.S. troops have sparked huge protests in Okinawa and elsewhere in Japan. The bulk of U.S. forces in Japan are stationed in Okinawa and locals complain that they are shouldering an unfair burden. 

This latest incident comes as Tokyo and the U.S. military have been attempting to relocate U.S. forces within Okinawa, mostly from the Futenma air base, which is located in an urban area, to a replacement base in the Henoko coastal area of Okinawa. 

The Okinawa government recently won a court case with Tokyo over the creation of an alternate base at Henoko, although construction of a new facility has been ordered to continue at the site. The case may affect the presence of U.S. troops in the southern prefecture, with a transfer of U.S. Marines from the southern prefecture to the U.S. Pacific territory of Guam, part of a wider realignment of U.S. forces in the Asia-Pacific region. 


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US sailor held for alleged rape at Naha hotel
Kyodo
March 14, 2016

The government has lodged a protest with the United States over the alleged rape of a Japanese tourist by a U.S. sailor in Okinawa on Sunday.

Justin Castellanos, 24, of the U.S. Navy’s Camp Schwab in the prefecture, is suspected of raping a woman in her 40s at a hotel in Naha where they were both staying.

“It was extremely regrettable that this case happened,” Chief Cabinet Secretary Yoshihide Suga told a news conference. The government demanded that the United States “tighten discipline and prevent a recurrence of such incidents,” he said.

Suga quoted U.S. officials as saying they are taking the case seriously. He added, it would be “regrettable” if a U.S. serviceman is found to be guilty.

The government’s top spokesman said the Foreign and Defense ministries filed a protest Sunday afternoon with the U.S. Embassy and with U.S. forces stationed in Japan.

Speaking to reporters Monday in the Okinawa prefectural capital of Naha, Gov. Takeshi Onaga condemned the incident.

“It was a serious crime in violation of women’s human rights and can never be tolerated,” Onaga said. “I feel strong resentment.”

Citing the fact that the woman is a tourist from Fukuoka Prefecture, Onaga said the incident “might pose a significant impact on tourism, a major industry for the prefecture.”

On Sunday, local police arrested Castellanos on suspicion of taking the woman to his room at the hotel and raping her there. He denies it.

Police said the suspect took the woman to his room after finding her sleeping in the corridor.
The sailor and the woman were both staying at the hotel but were unacquainted, they said.

Crimes by U.S. military personnel have caused concern and protests in Okinawa, which hosts the bulk of U.S. forces in Japan.

Diagnosis Guinaiya


Diagnosis Guinaiya
by Michael Lujan Bevacqua

I flip through the untouched yellowed pages of a phonebook where photographs of smirking physicians remind me that there is no cure for what I feel.

Symptom 1, the itching, restless dancing of fingers hovering above a keyboard, agonizing over an email to you. When I glance away, they audaciously type, “tåya’ åmot para guinaiya.”

I spend sleep-starved nights tabbing page after virtual page from malware infected medical sites, each of which is sponsored by the fact that there is no cure for what I am feeling right now.

Symptom 2, my poor eye, crooked and scratched, sprained in its socket from straining to watch you from afar. As my eyes fail in frustration, the normally invisible detritus of the world’s afterglow mimes the plot of the most recent installment of my life, “Tåya’ åmot para guinaiya”

I Whatsapp friends and foes photos of my symptom-sick form, hoping for some positive prognosis, but each autocorrected response reminds me that there is no – LOL – cure for love.

Symptom 3, the sensuous scent of sitting next to you sticks to my skin. It fills the world around me with humming that drones like a choir of grandmothers in church, “taiåmot I guinaiya”

I write my symptoms on unloved molded cardboard and stand at roadsides screaming at those driving by. Their honks remind me in barking disunity that what ails me is incurable.

Symptom 4, the claw-like shadow of suffering flesh upon my wrist where, with twinkling eyes you once tapped it like a machete preparing to split open a coconut, comforting me as my skin shrieked “tåya’ åmot para este na guinaiya.”

I empty my pockets and kneel in church, my lungs empty from a morning of shouting amens and hallelujahs. Men in suits, stern like crosses glare at me, admonishing me for not remembering that there is no cure for love.

Symptom 5, The flag-forming lesions on my chest where once we hugged a moment too long and you snapped my ribs, tumbling into my chest, falling face first into my heart, chipping your tooth. The air escaping from the crack hissing at me “tåya’ siña un cho’gue put este na guinaiya”

I sharpened a knife and as I traced a Kafkaesque exit door on the flat of my arm, the blood cursively dripped and dipped forming a sentinel who reminds me that my cure lies past this door and although no one save for me can enter this door, I am not just yet, allowed to pass.  

Symptom 6, Each time I close my eyes to shake you loose in the darkness. The dark is painted with the moment I first became ill. The night heaves, crying, a gloom in bloom, streaming with love-laced watercolors.

Of the moment when you sat in the ocean’s edge, beneath the sinking sun, rippling water stealing away pieces of you, as your beauty fought to a standstill the thoughtful blues and startled hues of a jealous sky.

I drove south in search of a healer who specialized in sickness that sucks the strength from you, where everything is nothing unless wrapped in the something of you. She glanced at my smiling scars and told me with an air of discomforting finality, “dipotsi tåya’ åmte para enao na guinaiya”




Thursday, March 17, 2016

A Real Foreign Policy

What is "foreign policy?" Does it simply refer to the relationships between nations? The policy frameworks through which some are treated as allies and others as enemies? Does it deal with the level of respect or trust that other nations are afforded? Foreign Policy is one of those elements that the media and the educated classes act like is critically important in terms of electing leaders. It is something that those more serious segments of society use to argue for the electability of certain candidates, such as Sarah Palin, Donald Trump or even George W. Bush. The sectors feel compelled to remind the American people as a whole about the seriousness of picking someone who does not only look within to serving the nation, but can also be relied upon to engage with the rest of the world. After all, no matter how large your country thinks it it, even if it is massive in terms of economy, population or land mass, the rest of the world remains. A country's foreign policy, despite the rhetoric with regards to it being about engagement, is often times just an exercise in reducing the rest of the world to being effects of your nation's interests, to the point where their existence is all determined by your place and desired place in the world, and little to do with what they might want or need.

What is ironic is that "foreign policy" has so little to do with anything foreign. The larger the country, the more foreign policy is about taking everyone around you and making them an effect of you. Making it so that they fit within your vision of the world, what type of order there should be. For a larger country, there is nothing earnest about it, but rather it becomes a way of redefining imperialism and colonialism until it appears to be much less odious and far more normalized.

But what would foreign policy look like, if it abandoned such ambitions? And it respected the rights of other nations, to be different, to have their own interests? This article has some ideas.


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Towards a Foreign Policy for the 99 Percent
by Kevin Martin

Relief, rather than elation, was probably the emotion most U.S. peace activists felt when President Barack Obama won re-election. While Obama has been very disappointing on most peace issues, Mitt Romney would have been all the worse. So what now to expect from a second Obama term?

Most likely, more of the same; anyone expecting Obama to be decidedly more pro-peace this time around is likely to be sorely dispirited. However, there is a diverse, growing peoples’ movement in the United States linking human and environmental needs with a demand to end our wars and liberate the vast resources they consume. This, combined with budgetary pressures that should dictate at least modest cuts in the gargantuan Pentagon budget, could lead to serious constraints on new militaristic ventures such as an attack on Iran, “modernization” of the entire U.S. nuclear weapons enterprise at a cost of over $200 billion, a permanent U.S. force of up to 25,000 troops in Afghanistan after 2014, or an absurd military “pivot” toward the Asia-Pacific aimed at isolating Russia and especially China.
We in the peace movement need to be able to think, and act, with both a short- and long-term perspective. In the near term, swiftly ending the war in Afghanistan and ensuring no long-term U.S./NATO troop presence, stopping drone strikes, preventing a war with Iran and building support for a WMD-free zone in the Middle East, pushing for serious cuts to the Pentagon budget, and advocating progress toward nuclear disarmament will consume most of our energies. Renewed emphasis on a just and lasting peace between Palestine and Israel should also garner more attention and activism. Finally, peace activists will need to lend solidarity those working to save social programs from austerity-minded elites and to address climate chaos.

In the longer term, we need to hasten what Professor Johann Galtung calls “The Decline of the U.S. Empire and the Flowering of the U.S. Republic.” We have an opportunity in opposing the outrageous “Asia-Pacific Pivot,” which the military-industrial complex has concocted without asking the American people if we support it or want to continue borrowing from China to pay for it (too weird, right?). We can point out the insanity of this policy, but we can also devise a better alternative, including building solidarity with the peoples of Okinawa, Jeju Island, Guam, the Philippines, Hawaii, and other nations in the region opposing the spread of U.S. militarism and advocating peaceful relations with China.

Defining the Democratic Deficit

This pivot is just the latest example of the fundamentally undemocratic nature of U.S. foreign policy.
The more we in the peace movement can point out that our tax dollars fund policies contrary to our interests, the easier it will be not just to build specific campaigns for more peaceful and just policies, but also to create a new vision for our country’s role in the world—to create a new foreign policy for the 99 percent.

So we peace activists need to be able to walk and chew gum at the same time. We need to offer credible, sustainable alternatives on the issues listed above, with specific actions ordinary people can take that make a difference. But we must go further and advocate a foreign and military policy that is in the interest of the majority of this country, one that comports with widely shared ideals of democracy, justice, human rights, international cooperation, and sustainability.

It’s no news flash that elite and corporate interests have long dominated U.S. foreign policy. Illustrating this democratic deficit has two related aspects. The first is the question of access: “he who pays the piper calls the tune.” Currently, although it technically foots the bill, Congress—let alone the public—has barely any say in how U.S. foreign policy is set or implemented. On a second and integrally related note, in whose interest is it to perpetuate a gargantuan military budget, maintain a vast and expensive nuclear arsenal, or start an arms race with our banker, China? It’s hard to imagine that any ordinary person could conclude these policies serve anyone but the 1 percent.
Notions of justice and human rights are widely resonant in the United States, but they require careful consideration and explanation. “Justice” should not be invoked simply as it concerns parties to a conflict, but rather should entail racial, social, and economic fairness for all those who are affected by the grinding military machine. Emphasizing the broader social consequences of militarism will be key for growing our ranks, especially among people of color, community activists, and human needs groups. And while “human rights” is a no-brainer, it requires courage and commitment to communicate how U.S. foreign policy constantly contradicts this ideal abroad, even as our government selectively preaches to other countries on the subject.

International cooperation, while it can seem vague or milquetoast—especially given the neglect or outright stifling of “global governance” structures by the United States—is a highly shared value among people in this country and around the world. Selling cooperation as a meaningful value is fundamentally important for undermining the myth of American exceptionalism, which so many politicians peddle to sell policies that only harm our country in the long run.

Finally, while the environmental movement still has loads of work to do, the successful promulgation of the concept of sustainability is an important achievement, one we can easily adapt to military spending, the overall economy, and a longer-term view of what kind of foreign policy would be sustainable and in the interest of the 99 percent. Climate activists and peace activists need to know that they have a vital stake in each other’s work.

A glimpse of the power of democracy was in evidence on Election Day, and not just in the legalization of gay marriage and recreational marijuana in a few states. When given a choice, as in referenda in Massachusetts and New Haven, Connecticut advocating slashing military spending and funding human needs, people will choose the right policies and priorities; both initiatives won overwhelmingly.

Contrary to the hopes many people in this country and around the world invested in Barack Obama (which he didn’t deserve and frankly he never asked for), it’s never been about him. It’s about the entrenched power of the U.S. war machine, and about how we the peoples of this country and around the world can work together to create more peaceful, just, and sustainable policies. We can do it; in fact we have no choice but to do it.
Kevin Martin is Executive Director of Peace Action, the country’s largest peace and disarmament organization with 100,000 members and over 70,000 on-line supporters.

Inacha'igen Fino' Chamoru News


Makpo' un otro na Inacha'igen Fino' CHamoru.

Desde 2013 hu ayuyuda umotganisa este na dinanna'.

Lao gi este na såkkan, ti manayuda ha'.

Hu ayuda gumiha i dinanna' yan un otro na ma'estron Chamoru, si Sinot Joey Franquez.

Magof hu na munhayan, sa' gof makkat yan na'yayas este na cho'cho'.

Lao gaibali lokkue'.

Meggai umeyak gi este na biahi.

Ya bai hu kililili mo'na i leksion-hu siha gi otro sakkan para i otro na Inacha'igen.

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Hundreds Gather at UOG for Charter Day Activities
by Roselle Romanes
3/10/16
Pacific News Center

Charter Day is the largest public event at the University with nearly 5,000 people visiting the campus throughout the day. 
 
Guam - The University of Guam celebrated their 48th Charter Day today with the theme of "Triton Spirit: One University, Many Voices".

True to its name, from the many voices of the University, we learned a lot from Charter Day. Since it's Mes Chamorro, we first checked out the CHamoru Language Competition.

UOG Professor Michael Bevacqua says, "It's a really great chance to showcase the beauty of the Chamorro language, all for the youth. Have the youth do the demonstrations, let them sing the songs, recite the poems, write the essays."

UOG Professor Michael Bevacqua explains that more than two dozen schools from around the island are competing against each other on their knowledge of singing, writing and dancing in Chamorro.
Daniel L. Perez Elementary School Teacher Senora Benita Lizama explains how they prepared for their performance today. "A lot of practices. Basically, what I did was I had all the fourth and fifth graders and throughout all the training, I chose the vest voices and you're looking at them right here," she says.

Fifth Grader Jonathan Relativo expresses, "I feel relieved that we did it. I don't feel nervous anymore."

We asked why learning the Chamorro language was important.

Fifth Grader Joanna Laguana answers, "When we grow up, we can look back and speak the language if they talk back to us in the future."
 
We even spoke to the winner of Chamorro Speech. Marianas High School Luis Cepeda says, "This is my second time. I'm excited now. Last year was my first time. It's starting to become fun. I won first place for Speech. I did good."
 
We then head to the Agriculture building where we learned about soil erosion. UOG Graduate Student Erica Pangelinan says, "So I'm going to take this and make waves. We'll see that it's completely eroded and we see that happening a lot in Talofofo Bay."
 
We also found out that trees are our friends in preventing erosion. Pangelinan says, "You see here that it's coming apart. When you hit this, it's not as much because the trees are holding it together so that's one solution. Plan trees so we can prevent erosions from happening."
 
We then checked out the Water Spa, where they taught students about health and nutrition. 
 
UOG Asst. Professor Dr. Tanisha Aflague says, "We're launching our Five-Two-One-Almost None campaign. That stands for five fruits and vegetables, no more than two hours of screen time, one hour of physical activity and almost none sugar, sweets or beverages."
 
Lastly, we found out how to catch rhino beetles. UOG Researcher Donamila Taitaino tells us, "We're doing a live demonstrations of a rhino beetle at every stage of its life, so that people will be aware of what they look like, how they look like and what do they do."
 
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Chamorro language competition held at UOG

Posted: Mar 09, 2016 4:00 PM Updated: Mar 16, 2016 4:00 PM
Hundreds of public and private school students participated in a two-day Chamorro language competition hosted by the University of Guam Chamorro Studies Program. The event titled, Inacha'igen Fino' Chamoru, included song, dance, dramatic interpretation, poetry, spelling, storytelling and more.

The program tested student knowledge in speaking, reading, writing and singing in the Chamorro language. It also aimed to promote the 2016 Festival of Pacific Arts.
 
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MHS POKSAI sweeps Chamorro language tilt in Guam
Posted on Mar 18 2016
Marianas High School POKSAI Chamorro Club


The Marianas High School POLKSAI Chamorro Club swept the 2016 Inacha’igen Fino Chamorro Language Competition in Guam. It was the club’s 11th time to compete in this event. It was a great success as the team garnered the following awards:

-1st – Speech (Luis Cepeda)
-1st – Poetry (Karen Agulto)
-1st -Female Singer (Monica Lizama)
-2nd-Male Singer (Jesse Sablan)
-1st – Proficiency (Kena Muna),
-2nd-Proficiency (Monica Lizama)
-3rd – Proficiency (Jack Nicholas Rabago)
-1st – Song with Dance (Karen Agulto, Monica Lizama, Jeszerre Seman, Ninfa Rabago, Jose Carreon, Luis Cepeda, Christopher Jay Terlaje, Almondo Franco Santos, Jack Nicholas Rabago, Jesse Sablan)
-1st – Dramatical Interpretation Skit (Joshalyn Flores, Christian Ayuyu, Jimmy Santos, Kierah Lee, Marianna Teregeyo, Jessa Sonoda, Jack Nicholas Rabago, Jenalien Jonathan, Kena Muna, Jesse Sablan)
-1st – Kantan Chamorrita (Kierah Lee, Monica Lizama, Ninfa Rabago, Jose Carreon, Jack Nicholas Rabago, Almondo Franco Santos, Jimmy Santos, Christopher Jay Terlaje, Isa Cabrera, Ciprianna Songao)
Anita Sablan, the club advisor and coach commented, “the 2016 Inacha’igen Chamorro Language Competition was a success as our team garnered seven gold, two silver, and a bronze. The 2016 Inacha’igen Fino Chamorro Theme is I FINO’ CHAMORU: I Guiniahå-ta, Iyo-ta, Ta Fanana’I (The CHamoru Language: Our Abundance and Ours to Share With One Another). All the categories that they competed in focused and emphasized on the theme.”
Since 2003, POLKSAI Chamorro Club has been competing in this annual Chamorro language competition.
Sablan said participation in this annual event requires numerous fundraising and long hours of practice. In the end, the members embraced their experience because it gives them the opportunity to practice their language and perpetuate their culture.
The advisors and coaches would like to thank the participants’ respective families for supporting their child and the community supporters for their monetary contribution: Public School System, Rep. Angel Demapan, Rep. Edmund Villagomez, Rep. BJ Attao, Rep. Anthony Benavente, Rep. Edwin Propst, Rep. Ralph Yumul, Rep. Roman Benavente, Rep. Francis Taimanao, BOMAT, Lucky R Catering, St. Jude Renal Care, Quickprint, Supreme Justices Dinner Performance at PIC, and many others.
“Without your financial support, our club would not have made it to Guam to compete in this event. MHS POLKSAI Chamorro Club would also like to thank Senot Luis John Castro for his support by being the dance instructor for the group. This will be the fourth year in a roll that the team garnered 1st Place for Song with Dance under his direction. They sincerely thank you for your dedication,” said Sablan.
When asked about the meaning and vision of the club, Alvin Sablan, club advisor and coach, first shared the acronym for POLKSAI. He said the acronym stands for Protehi, Onra, Lengguahi, Kutturan Sa’ipan, Ataha Inasan Chamorro. POLKSAI means to protect and honor the language and culture of Saipan and to prevent the disappearance of the Chamorro culture. POLKSAI Chamorro Club was formed in 2002 with the vision of its founder, the late Lumi R. Bermudes, of perpetuating the language and culture of the Marianas indigenous people. MHS POLKSAI will forever keep the vision and purpose of this club and would like to thank Bermudes for inspiring and supporting the club.
Because of their hard work, commitment, and dedication, the MHS POLKSAI was prepared for this competition. Some of the preparation involved the club members writing a song for the Kantan Chamorrita event, writing a skit for the Dramatic Interpretation event, memorizing and reciting a poem provided by the organizing committee, creating a medley using J.J. Concepcion’s songs for a song with dance event, writing, memorizing, and reciting a speech with the help of Bermudes, and practicing selected songs for the male and female singing event. As for the proficiency, students need to understand, read, and speak the Chamorro language.
“Congratulations MHS POLKSAI Chamorro club—continue to speak the language and perpetuate your culture,” said Alvin Sablan.
MHS POLKSAI Chamorro would also like to honor its late founder Bermudes for inspiring them to perpetuate the Chamorro culture and to speak the Chamorro language.
Members also shared their experience during the tilt.
“I got the opportunity to compete in the Dramatic Interpretation (skit) category in which I had to speak Chamorro and sang a Chamorro song as a group for the Kantan Chamorrita event. It was a great experience for me because I learned how to sing a Chamorrita Song, which was popular before our island became conquered. I sacrifice a lot of my time and I feel it was worthwhile because I learned a lot about the Chamorro language and culture,” said Kierah Lee.
Luis Cepeda also stated, “This was my second time competing. I competed last year for the speech and garnered fourth place but this year I won first place. I also competed in the song with dance category, where I placed first. I love dancing. Through dancing, I learned a great deal about the ancient Chamorro and the motivation to continue to perpetuate the Chamorro culture.”
Joshalyn Flores also recounted her experience during the Dramatic Interpretation competition.
“I was the grandma in the skit. Our skit was inspired from Typhoon Soudelor where technology distracted the teenagers from helping around the house and practicing one’s culture. Typhoon took place and with that it brought the family together—learning the culture and survival skills. I enjoyed the many hours of practicing because it let to victory,” she said.
Almondo Franco, for his part, said he will savor the recent completion because it’s his last.
“This is my third year competing and will be last time because I am graduating this year. The first year I joined the club and competed it was a new atmosphere and learning experience of the Chamorro language and culture. We garnered a lot of awards and it continued to this year’s competition. I enjoyed all those years of competing and being a part of the MHS POLKSAI Chamorro Club.”
 

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